Posts mit dem Label Politics english werden angezeigt. Alle Posts anzeigen
Posts mit dem Label Politics english werden angezeigt. Alle Posts anzeigen

Samstag, 11. April 2015

Bangkok - We will not forget .../Wir werden nicht vergessen...



English
(deutschen Text siehe unten)
April 10th 2015 marked the fifth anniversary of the attempted violent crackdown on the Red Shirt protests by the Thai military. One of the commanders responsible for that operation was then-deputy army chief Prayuth Chan-ocha, the leader of the coup of 22 May 2014 and today's Prime Minister of Thailand.

Although the relatives of the murdered Red Shirts were prohibited by the regime to perform public commemorations as well as holding merit-making ceremonies in temples, bereaved and several friends of the victims then were not intimidated.
All of them gathered for a memorial march at the Democracy Monument, which would lead to the four places where demonstrators were killed by soldiers in April 2010.


From Democracy Monument, which marked the first station, the memorial march led for Dinso Road, where also the Japanese cameraman Hiro Muramoto was shot. From that spot the memorial procession led along Ratchadamnoen Klang Road to Tanao Road (from which the Khao San Road branches off), and finally ended at the Khok Wua junction. At each of the four locations, first of all, the bereaved and/or friends of the killed protesters laid down flowers exactly where the victims had died and lit black candles. Then the participants of the memorial march shouted "Ti nii mii khun thaai" - "Here people were killed."

Although the police arrived shortly after the group began to gather at the Democracy Monument, the commemoration ceremony was not prevented. On the contrary, a police officer, after he took some photos and talked to the organizers of the march, helped the mourners in the implementation of the march. He stopped cars and redirected the traffic past the memorial procession, so that the relatives and friends could commemorate their loved ones unimpededly and safely.



Deutsch

Am 10. April 2015 jährte sich zum fünften Male der Jahrestag des Versuchs der gewaltsamen Niederschlagung der Rothemdenproteste durch das thailändische Militär. Einer der verantwortlichen Generäle war der damalige Vize-Armeechef Prayuth Chan-ocha, der Putschistenführer des Coups vom 22.Mai 2014 und jetziger Premierminister von Thailand.

Obwohl das Regime den Angehörigen der ermordeten Rothemden sowohl das Durchführen öffentlicher Gedenkfeiern als auch das Abhalten von Trauerzeremonien in Tempeln verboten hatte, ließen sich mehrere Hinterbliebene und Freunde der Gewaltopfer von damals nicht einschüchtern.
Sie versammelten sich zusammen mit einigen Sympathisanten für einen Trauerzug am Demokratie-Denkmal, der zu den vier Plätzen führte, an denen Demonstranten am 10. April 2010 durch die Schüsse der Soldaten starben.

Vom Demokratie-Denkmal, der ersten Station, führte der Trauermarsch zur Dinso Road, wo unter anderem der japanische Kameramann Hiro Muramoto erschossen wurde. Von dort ging es weiter, entlang der Ratchadamnoen Klang Road, zur Tanao Road (von der die Khao San Road abzweigt) und schließlich endete der Trauerzug an der Khok Wua-Kreuzung. An den vier Stellen legten jeweils zunächst die Anghörigen bzw. die Freunde der Toten Blumen nieder, genau dort, wo die Opfer gestorben waren und entzündeten schwarze Kerzen. Dann riefen die Teilnehmer der Trauerzuges "Ti nii mii khun thaai" - "Hier wurden Menschen getötet".

Obwohl bereits kurz nachdem sich die Gruppe am Demokratie-Denkmal zu versammeln begann die Polizei eintraf, wurde die Gedenkfeier nicht unterbunden. Im Gegenteil, ein Polizeibeamter half den Trauergästen bei der Durchführung des Marsches, nachdem er einige Fotos geschossen und mit den Organisatoren der Gedenkveranstaltung gesprochen hatte. Er stoppte den Verkehr und leitete Autos am Trauerzug vorbei, so dass die Angehörigen und Freunde ungehindert und ungefährdet ihrer Toten gedenken konnten.


More information on the April 10 crackdown and the redshirt protest:
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/04/the-red-shirt-protest-personal-diary - Part 3 (April crackdown)
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/04/the-red-shirt-protest-personal-diary - Part 4
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/05/the-red-shirt-protest-personal-diary - Part 7: The May 19th crackdown
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2015/05/21may-2010-in-red-shirt-camp-after.html

Weitere Informationen über die Niederschlagung vom 10.April und die Rothemdenproteste:
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/04/die-rothemden-proteste-2010- Teil 3 (April Niederschlagung)
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/04/die-rothemden-proteste-2010- Teil 4
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/05/die-rothemden-proteste-2010 - Teil 7: 19. Mai: Die Niederschlagung
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2015/05/21may-2010-in-red-shirt-camp-after.html


Democracy Monument





Friends and relatives of the killed protesters.
Angehörige und Freunde der getöteten Protestler.

Gone forever.
Fort für immer.






"Ti nii mii khun thaai!"
"People have been killed here!"
"Hier wurden Menschen getötet!"

Dinso Road


For Hiro Muramoto, the Japanese camera man.
Für Hiro Muramoto, den japanischen Kameramann.

What's left is pain...
Was bleibt, ist Schmerz...


...and sorrow.
...und Trauer.


Tanao Road

They killed him right here!
Sie töteten ihn genau hier!




Everytime it is the people who are forced to sacrifice.


Khok Wua Junction






We will never forget!





Montag, 9. März 2015

International Women's Day/Internationaler Frauentag in Bangkok





To Return Happiness
Return Democracy



Without Democracy

We Can Never Be Happy

Without Democracy
Our Stomach Will Never Be Full

Without Democracy
The Rich Get Richer
And The Poor Get Poorer







The event "Women and freedom of expression" on the International Women's Day, 8 March 2015, took place at the October 14 Memorial Hall in Bangkok, and was organised by the MALEDPRIK GROUP (or MALEDPRIX GROUP: https://www.facebook.com/maledprix?fref=ts). Maledprik means "Seed Of Chilly".

Around 50 - 60 people participated in the discussion and the demonstration, among them 5 members of the "Organisation of  the Industrial Labour Union of Thailand" (who attended the discussion but not the demonstration). Also several photographers and at least five camera teams were on site (and that's a lot nowadays for a "not government approved" gathering). 

Of course, at first the number of participants seems very small but one should not forget: Thailand is still under martial law and (political) gatherings of more than five people are still forbidden. Under these circumstances this event definitively was a success.

The discussion started with statements presented by the panelists which covered among other things labour rights and minimum wages, gender equality, freedom of speech, press freedom, democracy, justice, human rights violations, self-determination for women, etc., and was followed by a discussion between audience and panelists. 
I am very sorry that I am not able to summarize the content of each statement and the following discussion but the reading of the statements lasted more than two hours, and the discussion that followed went on for another two hours.
The overall tenor of this event could be summarized as follows: That democracy and women rights, human rights, labour rights, etc. are complementary. That there is no gender equality, no justice, no eradication of poverty without democracy. And that there is no democracy without freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and a functioning judiciary, etc.


Die Veranstaltung "Frauen und Meinungsfreiheit" fand am Internationalen Frauentag, dem 08. März 2015, in der 14. Oktober Gedenkhalle in Bangkok statt. Organisator war die MALEDPRIK GRUPPE (oder auch MALEDPRIX GRUPPE: https://www.facebook.com/maledprix?fref=ts). Maledprik bedeutet soviel wie "Samen der Chillischote".

Rund 50 -60 Personen nahmen an der Diskussion und der anschliessenden Demonstration teil, darunter 5 Mitglieder der "Organisation der Industriearbeitergewerkschaft von Thailand" (die allerdings nur an der Diskussion teilnahmen, nicht aber an der Demonstration). Außerdem waren mehrere Fotografen und mindestens fünf Kamerateams vor Ort (und das ist heutezutage schon beachtenswert für eine "nicht von der Regierung genehmigte" Versammlung).

Auf den ersten Blick wirkt die Anzahl der Teilnehmer sehr gering, man darf aber nicht vergessen: Thailand steht immer noch unter Kriegsrecht und (politische) Versammlungen von mehr als fünf Teilnehmern sind immer noch verboten. Unter diesen Umständen konnte man die Veranstaltung durchaus als Erfolg werten.

Die Diskussionsrunde begann mit dem verlesen der Statements der Podiumsteilnehmer, 
in denen es unter anderem um die Arbeitnehmerrechte und Mindestlöhne, die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter, Redefreiheit, Pressefreiheit, Demokratie, Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechtsverletzungen und Selbstbestimmung für Frauen ging. Im Anschluss folgte eine Diskussion zwischen Publikum und Podiumsteilnehmern.
Seht mir bitte nach, dass ich nicht den gesamten Inhalt der Erklärungen und der anschliessenden Diskussion wiedergeben kann, aber das Verlesen der Statements dauerte mehr als zwei Stunden und die darauffolgende Diskussion ging nochmals über fast zwei Stunden.
Den Tenor der Veranstaltung kann man verkürzt wie folgt zusammenfassen: Demokratie und Frauenrechte, Menschenrechte, Arbeitsrechte, usw. bedingen einander. Keine Gleichstellung der Geschlechter, keine Gerechtigkeit, keine Beseitigung der Armut ohne Demokratie. Keine Demokratie ohne Meinungsfreiheit, Versammlungsfreiheit und eine funktionierende Justiz etc.


The poet Piangkum Pradubkwam (pen name) recited one of her poems.
Die Dichterin Piangkum Pradubkwam (Künstlername) trägt eines ihrer Gedichte vor.

Piangkum  was reciting the poem "red female political prisoners in Thailand" which has not been published yet. An English translation does not exist. The poem questions the widely-held belief in Thailand that a woman should be like a flower: a gentle, thin petal. But in fact, they are no more the gentle flowers because their hearts are deeply wounded from fighting for democracy, rights and liberties in Thailand.

Piangkum trug das Gedicht "Weibliche, rote (gemeint sind die Rothemden) politische Gefangene in Thailand" vor, das bisher noch nicht veröffentlicht wurde. Eine englische Übersetzung existiert ebenfalls nicht. Das Gedicht hinterfragt die in Thailand weit verbreitete Ansicht , dass eine Frau wie eine Blume sein solle: wie ein sanftes/zartes, hauchdünnes Blütenblatt. Aber tatsächlich haben sich die Frauen verändert, sie sind nicht mehr diese "sanften Blumen", da ihre Herzen im Kampf um Demokratie, Rechte und Freiheiten in Thailand tief verwundet wurden.


On the panel/auf dem Podium:



Activist Nacha Kong-udom - she became famous for her "Three Finger Salute" and closing her mouth in a cinema on 20.November 2014, when the film The Hunger Games - Mockingjay" was launched in Thailand.

Die Aktivistin Nacha Kong-udom wurde bekannt durch ihren "Drei-Finger-Salut" und das Zuhalten ihres Mundes in einem Multiplex vor dem Kinostart des Films "The Hunger Games - Mockingjay".

More info/weitere Informationen (nur in Englisch): http://www.theguardian.com/film/2014/nov/20/bangkok-cinema-cancels-hunger-games-screenings-salute-protest-mockingjay



Bencharuk Saechua, lecturer at the Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies, Mahidol University

Bencharuk Saechua, Dozentin am Institut für Menschenrechte und Friedensstudien, Mahidol Universität

Payao Akahad - activist and mother of Kamolked aka "Nong Ked" - a paramedic who was killed during the May 2010 crackdown while aiding wounded protesters in Wat Pathum Wanaram.

Payao Akahad, Aktivistin und Mutter von Kamolked, auch als "Nong Ked" bekannt, einer Sanitäterin, die während der Niederschlagung der Proteste im Mai 2010 im Wat Pathum Wanaram erschossen wurde, als sie verletzten Protestlern half.



Vipar Daomanee - 14th October Memorial Committee and academic at Thammasat University.
Vipar Daomanee - Mitglied des 14. Oktober Komitees und Wissenschaftlerin an der Thammasat Universität.

She commented inter alia when Somsak Jeamtheerasakul, a prominent historian, was charged with lese majeste: 
‘Somsak has always been careful [in expressing himself] and the fact that the ruling class is using this law is short-sighted, blind and dictatorial‘.”
https://thaipoliticalprisoners.wordpress.com/tag/vipar-daomanee/

Sie kommentierte unter anderem die Anklage wegen Majestätsbeleidigung gegen Somsak Jeamtheerasakul, einem bekannten Historiker:
"Somsak hat sich immer sehr vorsichtig ausgedrückt und die Tatsache, dass die herrschende Klasse dieses Gesetz (gegen Somsak) anwendet ist kurzsichtig, blind und diktatorisch.
(nur in Englisch): https://thaipoliticalprisoners.wordpress.com/tag/vipar-daomanee/


Sriprai Nonthee - Labor Activist/Arbeiter-Aktivistin



Saowaluk Pothngam - Human Rights Lawyer and democracy activist
Menschenrechtsanwältin und Demokratie-Aktivistin



Sukunya Pruksakasemsuk - Wife of POC Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, 112- and pro-democracy activist / Frau des politischen Gefangenen Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, 112- und Pro-Demokratie-Aktivistin.
More info/weitere Informationen:
http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/05/25/thailand-rights-defender-and-son-taken-home
http://www.cleanclothes.org/ua/2014/cases/somyot
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2014/11/the-somyot-case-update-16th-request-for.html (in Deutsch und/and in English)





At 15.00 hrs the "Demonstration of women power to call for Thai National Election" started at the October 14 Memorial Hall and lead along the Ratchadamnoen Klong road to the Monument of Democracy. Some of the demonstrators carried symbolic ballot boxes, symbolic ID-cards and demanded free and fair elections (one man/woman - one vote). 

Um 15.00 Uhr startete vor der "14. Oktober Gedenkhalle" die Demonstration "Frauen-Power fordert nationale Wahlen in Thailand". Sie führte entlang der Ratchadamnoen Klong Straße und endete am Demokratiedenkmal. Einige der Demonstranten trugen symbolische Wahlurnen, symbolische ID-Karten und forderten freie und faire Wahlen (ein Mann/Frau - eine Stimme).


Video: Impressions of the demonstration / Eindrücke von der Demonstration




The demonstrators were a mixed crowd of pro-democracy activists, women (human) rights and labour activists, socialists, rubbernecks and people who are just fed up with the current situation in Thailand.

Numerous bystanders, interestingly mostly elderly people, were watching curiously, some smiled and/or nodded in approval. But no one showed open sympathy (like shouting or clapping their hands). This was different to the anti-coup protests immediately after the putsch, for example at the Victory Monument. 

After the demonstration ended and the participants were dispersing (before the police could react) a man in worn out clothes approached me, smiled at me and shook my hand and than left in a hurry because uniformed and plain clothed police men were arriving.

Die Demonstranten waren eine bunte Ansammlung von Pro-Demokratie-Aktivisten, Frauen-(Menschen-) Rechtlern und Gewerkschaftern, Sozialisten, Neugierigen und Menschen, die unzufrieden mit der aktuellen Situation in Thailand sind.

Zahlreiche Zuschauer, interessanterweise vor allem ältere Menschen, beobachteten neugierig den Demonstrationszug, einige lächelten und/oder nickten zustimmend. Aber niemand bekundete offen seine Sympathie (durch Zurufen oder Applaudieren). Das war bei den Anti-Coup Protesten unmittelbar nach dem Putsch, zum Beispiel am Victory Monument, noch anders. Dort jubelten die Menschen den Demonstranten zu und klatschten Beifall.

Nachdem die Demonstration geendet hatte und die Teilnehmer sich bereits zerstreuten (noch bevor die Polizei reagieren konnte) kam ein Mann in zerschliessener Kleidung auf mich zu, lächelte mich an und gab mir die Hand. Danach eilte er sofort weiter, weil in diesem Augenblick uniformierte Polizisten und in Zivil gekleidete "Beobachter" vorfuhren.







The signs read: "Representatives must come from election" and "The Prime Minister must come from election"
Auf den Schildern steht: "Die Volksvertreter müssen aus Wahlen hervorgehen" und "Der Premierminister muss (vom Volk) gewählt werden".










Symbolic voting.
Symbolische Stimmabgabe.


An army officer and a "observer" are discussing what to do. Around 15 minutes after they made some phone calls, at first two uniformed policemen arrived at the scene. At that time, however, the demonstration has already ended and demonstrators were dispersing. Later up to 15 more plain clothed men in 4 or 5 civilian SUV's and several uniformed policemen in two police cars arrived at the scene. 


Ein Soldat und ein "Beobachter" besprechen, was zu tun sei. Etwa 15 Minuten nachdem sie einige Telefonate geführt hatten, trafen zunächst zwei uniformierte Polizisten ein. Zu dieser Zeit aber war die Demo bereits beendet und die Teinehmer zerstreuten sich. Später fuhren dann noch bis zu 15 in zivil gekleidete Männer in vier oder fünf nicht näher gekennzeichneten SUVs und zwei Polizeiwagen mit mehren uniformierten Polizisten vor.


A Policeman tried to take pictures of as many demonstrators as possible, but when the journalists started to take pictures of him he felt obviously very uncomfortable.

Ein Polizist versuchte, so viele Demonstranten wie möglich zu fotografieren, als aber die Kameraleute anfingen ihn dabei zu filmen, war ihm das sichtlichlich unangenehm.













Dienstag, 15. Juli 2014

Thailand: You are too stupid to vote!


Zur DEUTSCHEN VERSION !


A couple of days ago a friend of mine posted this article on Facebook - and I got really angry - again! We already heard this point of view so often before. It was proclaimed during the anti-government protests again and again by speakers and supporters of the PAD (anti-government protest 2005 -2008)  and PDRC (anti-government protest November 2013 - May 2014). Both were right-wing, ultra-royalist, partially fascist and mostly anti-democratic protest movements.
(read also: http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2014/01/the-anti-government-protest-in-bangkok.html)

Very interesting is Ponn's argument in the second part of the article when he asks the reader if he would let a lawyer operate him or her, etc.
I think he wants to show with this kind of example, that you need a certain knowledge/experience, intelligence and standard of education when you want to do your job properly and, in his opinion, this also extends to one's ability to vote.
Referring to one's job - he may be right. But he is completely wrong when he set's this standard also on political matters. Daily politics are, among other things, about EVERYONE'S (and not just the elite's) daily needs, goals, interests and visions! You don't need a university degree to understand your needs. The rice farmer, the factory worker and the street vendor know exactly what they want: better payment, less "donations" to teachers, policemen, land owners, politicians..., better education for their children, an affordable healthcare system, etc. And last but not least it is a matter of decency and how you regard and treat your fellow human beings: as humans or as underlings,serfs or animals.

After being confronted with this nonsense (that there are more and less qualified voters, etc.) for so many years, one would imagine that I got used to it. But on the contrary, every time when I am confronted with such point of views I am getting more and more angry!
In Khun Ponn's opinion, higher educated people or people with higher graduation are more intelligent and therefor better voters (humans) and regarding upcoming elections (whenever this will be) that should be taken into account. David Streckfuss' satirical draft shows how people like Khun Ponn possibly want the election law to be "reformed":


(http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2014/01/the-anti-government-protest-in-bangkok.html)



But please, don't get me wrong! There are a lot of of very nice, decent and really smart people in this country. From all walks of life! Not everyone paid for his or her good marks at school or university, not everyone is greedy and corrupt and not everyone is afraid of accepting responsibility for their lives and their decisions. Many of these people are very close to me and they earned my deepest respect in their fight for human rights, freedom of expression, free and fair elections, labour rights and democracy. Others just want to live their ordinary life and refuse to force their will or opinion on others and they strongly believe in the diversity of opinions.

Sadly Thailand is currently ruled by a ruthless, violent, anti-democratic, greedy but also dwindling minority who is deeply convinced that the real value of a human being is defined by it's wealth, it's level of graduation and it's position in society's hierarchy. Obedience without questioning is the ultimate goal. Different opinions are not tolerated and everyone who disagrees or holds a different opinion should be punished by all means!

The following examples will proof that high graduated/educated people are NOT necessarily more intelligent and their sometimes insufficient general knowledge is terrifying. Some of them don't even know how to do their job properly! All pictures were taken in or near our neighbourhood.


Thai NHRC


My first example refers to the Thailand's National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).
The members of the NHRC seem to be "intelligent and well educated" and many Thais regard them as honorable and decent people. Therefor they should be qualified voters.
But considering the activity, comments and reports of the NHRC since 2010 it is obvious that the members of the commission are far from being able to do their job properly! They have no idea about the principles of human rights or their definition (see text below) and they are unable to recognise the difference between ordinary laws and human rights. Taking Mr. Ponn at his word, because of their inability and ignorance, the members of the NHRC should be excluded from elections or at least, their votes should be less worth than those of "better qualified/smart" voters.


Prach Panchakunathorn wrote in his analysis on the report of the NHRC (about the 2010 violence):

...1. The NHRC does not understand the difference between violating human rights and violating the law
It should be quite obvious that violating human rights is different from breaking the law. The fact that someone violates the law does not imply that he also violates human rights. And the fact that someone abides by the law does not imply that he abides by the principles of human rights.
However, the NHRC does not seem to understand this distinction. On page 52-53, the NHRC writes: “The demonstration [by the UDD on 22 April 2010] involved acts that constituted violations of various laws, and caused troubles and damage. So we can say that the UDD’s demonstration involved acts that violated human rights.”


2. The NHRC does not understand the difference between human rights and other rights
The NHRC’s report shows that the NHRC does not understand that human rights are different from ordinary rights, and that violating human rights is different from causing troubles and inconveniences. The NHRC spends a good portion of the report explaining how the UDD’s protests caused troubles and violated some rights and freedom – such as the right to drive vehicles freely without being blocked by protesters, and the freedom to conduct business without being disturbed by protests – as if these rights were human rights.
For example, on page 30 the NHRC writes: “Some protesters had moved to Ratchaprasong intersection, which is an important business area. The protest aimed to block traffic routes and prevent people from using their vehicles, as the area is an important transport hub in the heart of Bangkok. Also, the protest continued for several days without a scheduled end, which affected important businesses, caused troubles, and prevented people from working and living as they normally do.”
In reality, the freedom to drive vehicles unobstructed and the freedom to work and conduct business undisturbed, though often recognised by the state as legal rights, are not human rights...
(Human rights, the law and violence in 2010 by PRACH PANCHAKUNATHORN, 18 AUGUST 2013 - http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2013/08/18/human-rights-the-law-and-violence-in-2010/) .



Terminal for hazardous material next to the oil depots of two international oil companies (Klong Toey/Yannawa)


The pictures below are showing the railway siding for two oil depots located in Klong Toey, near the Chao Phraya river in Bangkok. It is a partly densely populated area. The whole area is more or less unguarded and unprotetcted. Sometimes the smell of solvent is unbearable.
Those people bearing the responsibility for the safety of the area, the condition of the railway tracks and the security of the trains may be smart but they are also irresponsible and/or careless. They risk the lives of hundreds or thousands of innocent people. Should their vote count more than those of ordinary people?


Trains use these railway tracks several times a day!


Partly the railing system is in a very bad condition.



Rail tankers near the oil depots.



Danger code of the rail tankers.




Un-Number  Danger Code Class Proper Shipping Name
120130 + 333Fusel oil
1202303Gas oil or diesel fuel or heating oil, light
1203333Gasoline or petrol or motor spirit



The BRT desaster


The pictures below are showing a "BUS STATION" and NOT a train or skytrain (BTS) station! The idea was to implement a rapid bus system similar to Mexico City or other metropolises. But in Mexico City every five minutes another bus arrives at the station and the network covers large parts of the city. In Bangkok there is just one line only: from Sathorn Road to Charan Sanitwong Road and sometimes up to four busses arrive in just 10 minutes and then one may have to wait for 30 or 40 minutes for next bus to arrive.  The whole system doesn't work.
Also take a close look at the building itself. Many of the expensive escalators are out of order or turned off (most of the time). The wheelchair ramps are just a bad joke (see picture and comment below). There are up to seven ticket counters at every station (most of the time only one counter is staffed) for busses that couldn't transport more than 40 passangers at a time! But I am pretty sure that a number of people earned a lot of money with this oversized bus stations. And since they reduced the four-lane road to a three-lane road the traffic collapses completely every day during rush hour.

An oversized bus station. The escalators (red circles) are turned of as usual.




Most of the ticket counters are closed all the time.


But the wheelchair ramps are THE masterpieces of architecture!
Between the concrete wall and the hedge the clearance width is at most 35 centimetres (red circle). At the end of the concrete wall it is less than 10 centimetres (yellow circle). If you manged the "narrow" passage with your wheelchair you have to cope with the 30 centimetres high kerbside (also yellow circle). 
If you managed those little obstacles you just have to conquer the concrete blocks which define the bus-lane (green circle). Finally you have to cross as quick as possible the three-lane road. These wheelchair ramps are found at nearly every bus station. Furthermore most bus stations are not equipped with an elevator.

Calling stations for taxis





Another example for misunderstanding an idea and the waste of taxpayers money! Installing hundreds of these calling stations in a city with estimated 20.000 taxis driving around makes no sense at all. Especially when these stations were only placed next to main roads. Normally you don't have to wait longer than 2 -3 minutes before another taxi passes by, even late at night or in the early morning hours. Therefor why should I call a taxi via a calling station and wait up to 20 minutes (or longer) for the arrival of the taxi? At the present day all these calling stations are turned off, are out of order, severely damaged or have been salvaged.


Flooded roads

Bigger sewer tunnels could drain more water away than smaller sewer tunnels. And water always flows DOWNHILL and NOT UPHILL! These two simple concepts seem to overstrain many Thai engineers and politicians. And it's not that complicated. Here a little help for city planners:

Wastewater         +            Rainwater                               =   inside diameter for the sewage tunnel

q8 = m * w * s    +            r = i * 10 (simplified formula)  =  diameter sewage tunnel
          3600                              60





Bangkok's new bicycle stations

Again: a good idea badly implemented (you can't just copy a concept that works fine in Copenhagen or Amsterdam and implement it in Bangkok without modification). 
There is just a very small number of bicycles available, just six to ten per station. And the 50 stations are just covering the area between Sathorn road and Rama I road - Bangkok's main business and shopping district. Just around 400 - 450 bikes for hundreds of thousands of commuters! Sorry, that makes no sense at all, especially because the covered area of around 100 sq km is very, very small regarding the size of Bangkok which is nowadays estimated around 2100 - 2200 sq km and a population of officially 6.5 million (unofficially 13 -15 million people, estimated by a representative of the city planning office). Just another immature idea of some members of our ever so educated elite.





The bicycle stations between Sathorn and Rama I.



More interesting links:
Bangkok after the coup - faces
About the coup in Thailand
Bangkok protest: violent Tuesday
The anti-government-protest in Bangkok: A fascist movement?








Montag, 9. Juni 2014

Bangkok after the coup - faces/Bangkok nach dem Putsch - Gesichter

You won't find any comments or statements in this post - only pictures! Why? Regarding this please read my explanation at the beginning of my last blog post: http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2014/05/about-coup-in-thailand.html

Auf dieser Seite werdet ihr keine Kommentare oder Stellungnahmen finden - nur Fotos! Warum? Dazu lest bitte meine Erklärung am Anfang meines letzten Blogeintrags: http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2014/05/nach-dem-putsch-in-thailand.html


22.05.2014 Ratchadamnoen Nok Road


A coup supporter waves two giant Thai flags.
Ein Unterstützer des Putsches schwenkt zwei riesige Thailandflaggen.



23.05.2014 Monument of Democracy








23.05.2014 Anti-coup protests at BACC Pathum Wan, Bangkok












Pravit


24.05. Victory Monument

Some people may note that I took no images of soldiers at the victory monument. We were not allowed to do so and we furthermore were "asked" to delete all pictures of soldiers we had already taken.

Einige von euch werden feststellen, dass ich am Victory Monument keine Fotos von Soldaten gemacht habe. Dies ist uns an diesem Tag verboten worden, ausserdem mussten wir alle Bilder, auf denen Soldaten zu sehen waren, löschen.


























25.05. Mac D. at Ratchaprasong, Bangkok








After this woman insulted anti-coup-protesters the soldiers had to protect her.
Nachdem diese Frau Putschgegner beschimpft hatte, musste sie von den Soldaten geschützt werden.

















04.06.2014 Sathorn Noi Road, Australian Embassy, Bangkok











After delivering flowers for the Australian Ambassador she was interrogated by plain clothed security agents.
Nachdem sie Blumen für den australischen Botschafter überreicht hatte, wurden sie von Sicherheitsbeamten in Zivil gestellt und verhört.