Donnerstag, 8. Mai 2014

Sad Times

ZUR DEUTSCHEN VERSION


In the last four weeks, since my last post, I didn't write anything about the political situation here in Thailand as there was not much to report except rumours. Not a day goes by without someone claiming to know what will happen in the near future (always relating to mysterious but well-informed sources). But the next day all these “facts” turned out just as gossip once again. Nowadays it is almost impossible to provide reliable information. However, three events in the last four weeks made me as well as very sad and very angry. 

Update of May 7 and 8: Yingluck and nine other cabinet members were found guilty of abuse of power and were removed from office by the Constitutional Court. They were accused of illegally  transferring Thawil Pliensri, head of national security, in 2011 (but several legal experts doubted the alleged illegitimacy of that move , they also questioned the courts authority to issue a verdict in this matter). On May 8 the NACC (National Anti-Corruption Commission) voted to indict Yingluck over a controversal rice pledging scheme.




Elisabetta Polenghi


On 29 April 2014 we received the news of Elisabetta Polenghis death. She was the sister of the Italian photographer Fabio Polenghi who was hit by a bullet during the crackdown on the red-shirt protests by the military on 19 May 2010. He died on the way to the hospital .
Nearly four years Isa fought for justice and tried to uncover the real circumstances of Fabio's death - and she also fought against a judiciary which was not really interested in a complete clarification of the events.

Learn more about this and about Elisabetta's last press conference at the FCCT ( May 29, 2013) at this link:


Elisabetta at the FCCT in May 2013.

















On the passing of Elisabetta Polenghi (by Jeanne Hallacy)

Dear All,

I was deeply affected by this sad news and equally moved and unsurprised that Isa's battle with cancer was not known.
I had the honour to work closely with Isa over the years from the first day she arrived to Thailand and brought her to the place where Fabio was killed with photojournalist Masaru Goto who was with him when he was shot and took a risk to carry his body to the side of the road.

When Isa arrived to the spot where he fell, she ran her hands across the blackened blood stain on the road. No one spoke.
She then began a rapid fire of questions --hungry for every minute detail of the moments leading up to his death which Masaru recounted. Masaru spoke of how they lifted him on to the back of a motorbike when his helmet and camera fell to the ground. He was under fire at the time and did not pick up the camera. It disappeared. And was never seen again.

Isa questioned the origin of the shots, the position of high buildings, the direction he faced, the angle of the sun. What he shouted to Masaru as they ran down the street.

A group of young Thais were watching and asked why she was there. When they learned it was Fabio's sister, they asked her to wait there.

They walked up the silent, barricaded road to find motorbike taxis. Twenty minutes later, they came back with bundles of jasmine garlands and orchids. They requested translation to give Isa a garland and encircled the place where he had fallen and prayed.

Only at that moment, Isa silently wept. One of the young women took her hand and pressed it as she continued to pray.

Isa's foremost quest was to find Fabio's camera. We distributed flyers in Thai and posted online offering a reward with no questions asked for the return only of the memory card with his last images. Masaru and I brought her to police stations and arranged meetings with the hospital where he was taken, Kraisak Choonhavan and the investigative body charged with the report on the events.

Isa was determined to get the memory card. She said preserving his final photos was paramount above all else-that was his role for being there -and the most precious contribution of his life.
Days later, Masaru's apartment was ransacked; his laptop and cameras were stolen. His home was turned upside down.

Isa believed those responsible for the vandalism were ordered by powerful people who would go to any lengths to ensure the memory card would remain buried in a tomb of unearthed truth.

The pursuit of that truth became Isa's quest.

She used her every waking moment to meet with government officials, off the record behind the scenes, civil society groups, journalists who covered the events, diplomats -and brought his case to the attention of international organizations including the CPB.

Dozens of journalists, photographers and friends attended Fabio's funeral.
From her first visit, Isa requested a meeting with PM Abhisit. It would become a repeated request over the many visits -and one that never took place.

She gave several press briefings at the FCCT during her visit. We organized a tribute exhibition of his work with a portrait of Fabio hung at the entrance to the Club. Masaru Goto gave the opening remarks and broke down while paying tribute to his colleague and friend.

Over the years, Isa made numerous trips to Thailand -several a year -and stayed in regular touch with on Skype and email.

She was an accomplished photographer herself and described her bond with her brother as a deep friendship, mutual respect and as a "comrade" beyond being family. She said that the road that led to her investigating Fabio's death could be the only path she could take as it was the very one he would have taken had it happened to her or someone close to him. She talked about his passion for social justice issues expressed through his talent as a photographer and his deep kindness towards those in need.

The FCCT hosted many press briefings where Isa spoke. With every event, the scope of her mission expanded: she was no longer demanding an answer about her brother's death -she was drawing on this life changing experience to speak out for the protection of journalists around the world. To state in an increasingly clear, present and remarkably compassionate voice that Press Freedom and the protection of media was not a negotiable issue -it was a fundamental right that every society must uphold without compromise.

She transformed into a global advocate for journalists: extolling the tremendous risks, sacrifice and drive that lead them to do their job to speak truth to power through their documentation.

I emceed the final press conference the FCCT hosted with Isa when the long-awaited court ruling on Fabio's death was announced. The day before, she called to share the news that after years of asking --through countless channels --Abhisit requested a private meeting. She said she decided she would not go to meet him but would instead, invite him to the FCCT where she would meet him with Fabio's colleagues -or not at all.

Her mother accompanied her for the verdict. Isa said her mother told her she could never set foot on the land again where her son was slain. The anguish at the lack of clarity and culpability was too much to bear.

The court ruling did not illuminate the truth. Despite this, Isa was at her most eloquent. She talked about the fact that the ruling was no longer of primary importance. But that the journey she had been set upon because of Fabio's death deepened her commitment to stand for truth and for those whose professions are in the pursuit of some form of truth in the face of injustice.
The room was transfixed. She spoke without notes. From the gut. From the heart.
Isa had the rare gift of being a true humanitarian.
Her voice will continue to resonate with every stance taken to defend the protection of journalists and press freedom anywhere in the world.
She was a luchadora -- a fighter wielding integrity, conviction and compassion on one arm and a camera on the other.

Jeanne Hallacy



Third anniversary of the imprisonment of Somyot Prueksakasemsuk


Somyot before the reading of the courts verdict on 23 January 2013.




























April 30th marked the third anniversary of the detention (30 April 2011) of Somyot Prueksakasemsuk, who had been sentenced to 10 years in prison on 23 January 2013 for for violating Thailand's draconian lese majeste law.
Since then his family and his friends continue to fight for his release on bail and for a retrial. Despite Somyot's serious health problems all requests for bail have been rejected by the Criminal Court.
Nevertheless, the protests against his detention and conviction continue unabated, even at international level. On 1 May 2014 for example Korean unionists demonstrated in front of the Thai Embassy in South Korea.
(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mwu25X4e_Zk&feature=youtu.be)

Additional links and information about Somyot:
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2012/12/the-somyot-prueksakasemsuk-verdict.html
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/01/the-somyot-verdict.html
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/07/somyot-update-press-conferencepressekon.html

Statement von Amnesty International:
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA39/005/2014/en/148984a0-ae0d-4537-abdb-fd35b92c89ce/asa390052014en.html




The assassination of Kamol Duangphasuk


"Molding the violent passion"
Oh this great capital city, great yet so empty, so hollow
A capital within a kingdom that could be of deity or devil

Accused terrorists, our penalty almost certain death
Why keep this, this city of so called angels and imaginary heavens
Our passion will break the chains of the poor and grant them freedom
This is our final struggle
We shall fight wholeheartedly and we shall win.
(Excerpts from a poem written by Mainueng in April 2010 shortly before the massacre began. Originally translated by our friend Suda Rangkupan.)

Mainueng Kor Kunthee (center - plaid shirt) at a memorial service (April 2013) marking the third anniversary of the attempted crackdown on the Red Shirt protests by the military on April 10, 2010.




























On Wednesday, 23 April 2014, the poet and political activist Kamol Duangphasuk, better known by his stage name Mainueng Kor Kunthee, was murdered at 2 pm in broad daylight. He was only 45 years old, leaving behind his wife and two children. 
I met him several times on commemorative events and protests. Ajarn Suda, a scholar, political activist, declared opponent of Section 112 ( law against lese majeste ) and close friend of Kor Kunthee had introduced us during one of these events.

Kamol was a well known supporter of the Red Shirt movement. Among others things he joined the protests against the Abhisit-Vejjajiva-government in 2010. He also was a staunch opponent of Section 112.
Even if the background and the motives for the attack are still unknown, it is most likely that the murder of Kor Kunthee is probably related to his battle against paragraph 112.

Presumably the hate speeches and the inhuman polemics of PDRC leader Suthep Thaugsuban and former Major-General Rientong Nan-nah, head of the so-called "Rubbish Collection Organization", an ultra-royalist-movement which was recently founded before the assassination, stirred up the political climate to that extend, that one or more fanatics apparently now believed to have the right to assassinate politically dissidents.

The aim of this " Rubbish Collection organization" is (according to translations from other sources), the "elimination" of all those who criticize the monarchy. Any "decent" citizens will be asked to search for this garbage (critics or opponents of the monarchy ), especially on the Internet, reporting these people to the police and to publish their images, names and place of residence. In an interview with the Australian network ABC, Rientong compares free speech with terrorism, when this freedom (in his opinion) is abused to attack or insult the monarchy, and he is convinced that the capitalists are behind it (this kind of terrorism) , without naming them specifically.




An excerpt (rough translation by Khaosod News English) from the speech of Suthep Thaugsuban of 5 April 2014:

..."We will immediately march on that day!" Mr. Suthep, "We will occupy Thailand so the sovereign power shall truly belong to the people"
Mr. Suthep elaborated further that he would then install himself as the "Sovereign Body" who will wield absolute power via numerous "Revolutionary Decrees" and the adoption of a single charter provision as a legislative blank cheque - in the same manner of military dictators in 1960s, such as the notorious Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat.
"We will have something like Article 17 [of 1959 Administrative Charter] as the highest law," Mr. Suthep said, referring to the charter article which allowed Field Marshal Sarit to fight suspected Communist threats by all means, "[I] will be able to order anyone to be executed by firing squad, but I will only freeze assets"....
(http://en.khaosod.co.th/detail.php?newsid=1396776917&typecate=06&section)


A little later Suthep already backtracked - obviously after massive pressure from all sides, including the military and even his own followers.(http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Suthep-plays-down-sovereignty-claim-30231239.html)

The murder of Kor Kunthee shocked not only his supporters among the red shirts, intellectuals and free thinkers in Thailand, but also many artists and protesters who publicly supported the PDRC.
The Bangkok Post wrote: ...Forget the messages of hatred from online fools, because there’s light after Mainueng’s death. Poets of all colours have written hymns for the shocking loss, notably Surachai “Nga” Chantimatorn, a song-for-life-statesman who’s appeared on Suthep Thaugsuban’s stage. Surachai’s heartfelt ode — A poet was shot dead/I mourn for his life/Heart sinks/Who put a price on his head — is too real and too elegant for me to translate its full flavour. What’s important is its spirit: Ideology should never trump humanity, because when that happens, you start counting only the deaths on your own side and laugh at the others.

Death is death. Even if Mainueng’s murder has nothing to do with politics, the gravity of the loss remains huge, especially to his family. But if it has, as everyone suspects, the chill running down our our spines becomes chillier.

The poet is dead, let’s hope he’s the last one.




A little poem by Kor Kunthee in contrast to the hate speeches of Suthep and Rientong:


When your head gets dusty, you must dust it off 
Because we are human not animals - we have rights. 

Fight for freedom with our voice, words and thoughts. 
Fight with all your heart and stand in defiance of injustice.



Kor Kunthee on the commemoration ceremony of the first anniversary of Khun Ah-Kong death, 5 May 2013, in front of the Criminal Court in Bangkok.





Cremation ceremony for Mainueng Kor Kunthee




Friend and political activist ajarn Tum.



In honor of the dead the Musician wore T-shirts with his likeness (usually they don't do this).







Friends and supporters from around the world sent wreaths to the cremation (among others from Japan, Australia, Korea, ...).





Kunthee's coffin.





Friends and supporters bid farewell at the coffin of Kor Kunthee.











The two men left are unknown to me, right next to them sat Dr. Weng (center), Jaran Ditapichai and Worachai Hema (right).




Ajarn Suda
(ajarn means teacher/scholar)






Monks circumambulate three times the crematorium pulling the coffin of Khun Duang (it's only symbolic,  in reality the coffin is pulled and pushed by the friends and supporters of Kor Kunthee).











The mourners sang protest songs during the procession.

























A large number of policemen were on hand to protect the mourning ceremony from attacks. Previously bomb squads had scanned the area for bombs.



Video:





Dienstag, 6. Mai 2014

Traurige Zeiten

TO THE ENGLISH VERSION


In den letzten vier Wochen seit meinen letzten Post habe ich nichts über die politische Situation hier in Thailand geschrieben, da es außer Gerüchten nicht viel zu berichten gab. Es vergeht kein Tag, an dem nicht irgendjemand zu wissen behauptet, was in naher Zukunft passieren wird und sich dabei auf mysteriöse, gut informierte Quellen beruft. Aber am nächsten Tag hat sich dies alles dann wieder einmal nur als Gerede herausgestellt. Verlässliche Informationen zu liefern, ist zur Zeit nahezu unmöglich. Über drei Ereignisse in den letzten vier Wochen war ich allerdings sowohl sehr traurig als auch sehr wütend.

Update vom 7. und 8. Mai: Yingluck und neun weitere Kabinettsmitglieder wurden vom Verfassungsgericht für schuldig befunden und ihrer Ämter enthoben weil sie angeblich bei der Umbesetzung des Sicherheitschefs in 2011 gegen geltendes Recht verstossen zu hätten (was zahleiche Rechtsexperten jedoch anzweifeln und die außerdem auch noch die Zuständigkeit des Gerichtes in Frage stellen). Am 8.Mai befand die NACC (National Anti Corruption Commission) Yingluck für schuldig beim Reis Subventionsprogramm ihre Pflichten vernachlässigt zu haben.

Elisabetta Polenghi

Am 29.April 2014 erreichte uns in Bangkok die Nachricht von Elisabetta Polenghis Tod. Sie war die Schwester des italienischen Fotografen Fabio Polenghi, der während der Niederschlagung der Rothemden-Proteste durch das Militär am 19.Mai 2010 von einer Kugel getroffen wurde und auf dem Weg ins Krankenhaus verstarb.
Fast vier Jahre kämpfte sie für Gerechtikeit und die Aufdeckung der wirklichen Umstände von Fabios Tod - und gegen eine Justiz, die an einer Aufklärung nicht wirklich interessiert war.
Mehr dazu sowie zu Elisabettas letzter Pressekonferenz im FCCT (29.Mai 2013) unter diesem Link: http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/05/press-conference-on-fabio-polenghis.html 

Elisabetta im FCCT, 29.Mai 2013

















Ein Nachruf von Jeanne Hallacy 

On the passing of Elisabetta Polenghi (by Jeanne Hallacy)

Dear All,

I was deeply affected by this sad news and equally moved and unsurprised that Isa's battle with cancer was not known.
I had the honor to work closely with Isa over the years from the first day she arrived to Thailand and brought her to the place where Fabio was killed with photojournalist Masaru Goto who was with him when he was shot and took a risk to carry his body to the side of the road.

When Isa arrived to the spot where he fell, she ran her hands across the blackened blood stain on the road. No one spoke.
She then began a rapid fire of questions --hungry for every minute detail of the moments leading up to his death which Masaru recounted. Masaru spoke of how they lifted him on to the back of a motorbike when his helmet and camera fell to the ground. He was under fire at the time and did not pick up the camera. It disappeared. And was never seen again.

Isa questioned the origin of the shots, the position of high buildings, the direction he faced, the angle of the sun. What he shouted to Masaru as they ran down the street.

A group of young Thais were watching and asked why she was there. When they learned it was Fabio's sister, they asked her to wait there.
They walked up the silent, barricaded road to find motorbike taxis. Twenty minutes later, they came back with bundles of jasmine garlands and orchids. They requested translation to give Isa a garland and encircled the place where he had fallen and prayed.
Only at that moment, Isa silently wept. One of the young women took her hand and pressed it as she continued to pray.

Isa's foremost quest was to find Fabio's camera. We distributed flyers in Thai and posted online offering a reward with no questions asked for the return only of the memory card with his last images. Masaru and I brought her to police stations and arranged meetings with the hospital where he was taken, Kraisak Choonhavan and the investigative body charged with the report on the events.

Isa was determined to get the memory card. She said preserving his final photos was paramount above all else-that was his role for being there -and the most precious contribution of his life.
Days later, Masaru's apartment was ransacked; his laptop and cameras were stolen. His home was turned upside down.
Isa believed those responsible for the vandalism were ordered by powerful people who would go to any lengths to ensure the memory card would remain buried in a tomb of unearthed truth.

The pursuit of that truth became Isa's quest.

She used her every waking moment to meet with government officials, off the record behind the scenes, civil society groups, journalists who covered the events, diplomats -and brought his case to the attention of international organizations including the CPB.

Dozens of journalists, photographers and friends attended Fabio's funeral.

From her first visit, Isa requested a meeting with PM Abhisit. It would become a repeated request over the many visits -and one that never took place.

She gave several press briefings at the FCCT during her visit. We organized a tribute exhibition of his work with a portrait of Fabio hung at the entrance to the Club. Masaru Goto gave the opening remarks and broke down while paying tribute to his colleague and friend.

Over the years, Isa made numerous trips to Thailand -several a year -and stayed in regular touch with on Skype and email.

She was an accomplished photographer herself and described her bond with her brother as a deep friendship, mutual respect and as a "comrade" beyond being family. She said that the road that led to her investigating Fabio's death could be the only path she could take as it was the very one he would have taken had it happened to her or someone close to him. She talked about his passion for social justice issues expressed through his talent as a photographer and his deep kindness towards those in need.

The FCCT hosted many press briefings where Isa spoke. With every event, the scope of her mission expanded: she was no longer demanding an answer about her brother's death -she was drawing on this life changing experience to speak out for the protection of journalists around the world. To state in an increasingly clear, present and remarkably compassionate voice that Press Freedom and the protection of media was not a negotiable issue -it was a fundamental right that every society must uphold without compromise.

She transformed into a global advocate for journalists: extolling the tremendous risks, sacrifice and drive that lead them to do their job to speak truth to power through their documentation.

I emceed the final press conference the FCCT hosted with Isa when the long-awaited court ruling on Fabio's death was announced. The day before, she called to share the news that after years of asking --through countless channels --Abhisit requested a private meeting. She said she decided she would not go to meet him but would instead, invite him to the FCCT where she would meet him with Fabio's colleagues -or not at all.

Her mother accompanied her for the verdict. Isa said her mother told her she could never set foot on the land again where her son was slain. The anguish at the lack of clarity and culpability was too much to bear.

The court ruling did not illuminate the truth. Despite this, Isa was at her most eloquent. She talked about the fact that the ruling was no longer of primary importance. But that the journey she had been set upon because of Fabio's death deepened her commitment to stand for truth and for those whose professions are in the pursuit of some form of truth in the face of injustice.

The room was transfixed. She spoke without notes. From the gut. From the heart.

Isa had the rare gift of being a true humanitarian.

Her voice will continue to resonate with every stance taken to defend the protection of journalists and press freedom anywhere in the world.
She was a luchadora -- a fighter wielding integrity, conviction and compassion on one arm and a camera on the other.

Jeanne Hallacy
(https://www.facebook.com/notes/foreign-correspondents-club-of-thailand/on-the-passing-of-elisabetta-polenghi/615519458533008)




Dritter Jahrestag der Inhaftierung von Somyot Prueksakasemsuk


Somyot Prueksakasemsuk vor Verkündung des Urteils am 23.Januar 2013.



Am 30. April jährte sich zum dritten Mal die Verhaftung und Inhaftierung von Somyot Prueksakasemsuk, der am 23. Januar 2013  wegen Majestätsbeleidigung zu 10 Jahren Haft verurteilt worden war. Seit damals kämpfen sowohl seine Familie als auch seine Freunde um seine Freilassung und um eine Wiederaufnahme des Verfahrens. Alle Anträge auf Freilassung gegen Kaution wurden bisher abgelehnt, trotz der schweren gesundheitlichen Probleme Somjots. Nichts desto trotz gehen die Proteste gegen seine Inhaftierung und seine Verurteilung unvermindert weiter, auch auf internationaler Ebene. Unter anderem demonstrierten Gewerkschafter am 1.Mai vor der thailändischen Botschaft in Südkorea (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mwu25X4e_Zk&feature=youtu.be)

Weitere Links und Infos zu Somyot:
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/01/das-somyot-urteil.html
http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/07/somyot-update-press-conferencepressekon.html

Statement von Amnesty International (nur in Englisch):
http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA39/005/2014/en/148984a0-ae0d-4537-abdb-fd35b92c89ce/asa390052014en.html




Die Ermordung von Kamol Duangphasuk

"Molding the violent passion"

Oh this great capital city, great yet so empty, so hollow
A capital within a kingdom that could be of deity or devil

Accused terrorists, our penalty almost certain death
Why keep this, this city of so called angels and imaginary heavens
Our passion will break the chains of the poor and grant them freedom
This is our final struggle

We shall fight wholeheartedly and we shall win.

(Auszüge aus einem Gedicht von Mainueng, entstanden im April 2010, kurze Zeit vor der blutigen Niederschlagung. Übersetzt in Englische von Suda Rangkupan.)

Mainueng Kor Kunthee (Mitte - kariertes Hemd) auf einer Gedenkveranstaltung zum dritten Jahrestag (April 2013) der versuchten Niederschlagung der Rothemden-Proteste am 10.April 2010 durch das Militär.























Am Mittwoch, den 23. April 2014 wurde der Dichter und politische Aktivist Kamol Duangphasuk, bekannter unter seinem Künstlernamen Mainueng Kor Kunthee, ermordet. Er wurde nur 45 Jahre alt und hinterlässt eine Frau und zwei Kinder. Ich hatte ihn mehrfach auf Gedenkveranstaltungen und Protestaktionen getroffen. Ajarn Suda, eine politische Aktivistin, erklärte Gegnerin des Paragrafen 112 (Gesetz gegen Majestätsbeleidigung) und enge Freundin des Dichters, hatte uns miteinander bekannt gemacht.

Kamol war bekannt als Unterstützer der "Rothemden", so nahm er unter anderem an den Protesten gegen die Abhisit-Vejjajiva-Regierung in 2010 teil. Er war zudem ein entschiedener Gegner des Paragrafen 112. Auch wenn der Hintergrund und die Motive für das Attentat noch unbekannt sind, so dürfte der Mord an Kor Kunthee wohl im Zusammenhang mit seinem Kampf gegen den Paragrafen 112 stehen.

Vermutlich haben die Hassreden und die menschenverachtende Polemik von PDRC-Führer Suthep Thaugsuban und einer kurz vor dem Mordanschlag von Ex-Generalmajor Rientong Nan-nah gegründeten Ultra-Royalistischen Bewegung, die "Rubbish Collection Organisation", das politische Klima so weit aufgeheizt, so dass ein oder mehrere Fanatiker offenbar nun glaubten, das Recht zu haben, politisch Andersdenkende ermorden zu dürfen. 

Das Ziel dieser "Rubbish Collection Organisation" ist (laut Übersetzungen) die "Ausmerzung" all derjenigen, die die Monarchie kritisieren. Alle "anständigen" Bürger werden aufgefordert, nach diesem Müll (Kritiker oder Gegner der Monarchie) zu suchen, insbesondere im Internet, sie bei der Polizei anzuzeigen und deren Bilder, Namen und deren Wohnsitz zu veröffentlichen. In einem Interview mit dem australischen Sender ABC vergleicht er Redefreiheit mit Terrorismus, wenn diese Freiheit (seiner Meinung nach) die Monarchie angreift oder beleidigt, und er ist überzeugt, dass die Kapitalisten dahinterstecken, ohne diese konkret oder mit Namen zu benennen. 


Ein Auszug (grobe Übersetzung) aus der Rede von Suthep Thaugsuban vom 5.April 2014:

..."An diesem Tag werden wir sofort marschieren! " Suthep Thaugsuban: "Wir werden Thailand besetzen , so dass die unumschränkte Macht wirklich in den Händen des Volkes liegt."

Suthep erklärte weiter, dass er dann sich selbst als unumschränkten Herrscher einsetzen wolle, der aufgrund zahlreicher "Revolutionsverordnungen" und die Annahme einer einzigen gesetzlichen Regelung, ähnlich einem juristischen Freibrief, die absolute Macht in den Händen halte - in der gleichen Art und Weise wie die Militärdiktatoren in den 1960er Jahren, wie etwa der berüchtigte Feldmarschall Sarit Thanarat .

"Als höchstes Recht werden wir so etwas wie den Artikel 17 [ 1959 Administrative Charta ] haben", sagte Suthep , der sich dabei auf das Gesetz beruft, das (damals) Feldmarschall Sarit erlaubte, die mutmaßliche kommunistische Bedrohung mit allen Mitteln zu bekämpfen". Ich werde in der Lage sein (die Macht haben),  jeden beliebigen Menschen durch ein Erschießungskommando hinrichten zu lassen, aber ich werde nur (deren) Vermögen einfrieren "... (http://en.khaosod.co.th/detail.php?newsid=1396776917&typecate=06&section)

Nur wenig später ruderte Suthep zurück - offensichtlich nach massivem Druck von allen Seiten, unter anderem des Militärs und selbst seiner eigenen Anhänger (http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Suthep-plays-down-sovereignty-claim-30231239.html). Der Mord an Kor Kunthee schockte nicht nur seine Anhänger unter den Rothemden, Intellektuelle und Freidenker in Thailand, sondern auch viele Künstler und Protestler, die die PDRC öffentlich unterstützen.


Den Hassreden Sutheps und Rientongs möchte ich dieses kurze Gedicht von Kor Kunthee gegenüberstellen:

When your head gets dusty, you must dust it off.
Because we are human not animals - we have rights.
Fight for freedom with our voice, words and thoughts.
Fight with all your heart and stand in defiance of injustice.


Kor Kunthee auf der Gedenkveranstaltung zum ersten Jahrestag des Todes von Khun Ah-Kong,
5.Mai 2013 vor dem Strafgerichtshof in Bangkok.



























Einäscherungszeremonie für Mainueng Kor Kunthee



Freundin und Mitstreiterin Ajarn Tum.



Zu Ehren des Toten trugen die Musiker T-Shirts mit seinem Konterfei (was nicht unbedingt üblich ist).
































Freunde und Unterstützer nehmen Abschied am Sarg von Kor Kunthee.


Kunthees Sarg.
Freunde und Unterstützer aus aller Welt sandten Kränze zur Einäscherung
(u.a. aus Japan, Australien, Korea,...).
Ajarn Suda Rangukarn
(Ajarn ist ein Titel und bedeutet sinngemäß Lehrer/Gelehrter)
Die beiden Herren links sind mir unbekannt, rechts daneben sitzen drei Führer der Rothemden: Dr. Weng (Mitte), Jaran Ditapichai und Worachai Hema (rechts).


Mönche umrunden dreimal das Krematorium und ziehen dabei (nur symbolisch, wirklich gezogen und geschoben wird der Sarg von den Freunden und Anhängern Kunthees) den Sarg Duangs hinter sich her.



Während des Umzuges sangen die Trauergäste Protestlieder.















Mehrere Hundertschaften der Polizei standen bereit, um die Trauerzeremonie vor Angriffen zu schützen. Zuvor hatten Spezialeinheiten der Polizei das Gelände nach Bomben abgesucht.


Video



Sonntag, 30. März 2014

Bring Light To The Court/Bringt Licht Ins Gericht









Because of the ongoing anti-government protests in recent months other problems in Thailand are more or less forgotten. For example, many political prisoners in Thailand remain are still behind bars, convicted for alleged violations of the lese majeste law or because of dubious terrorism charges. Interestingly, these prisoners are mostly reformers, human rights activists, intellectuals, labor activists or opponents of the conservative elites of this country.

Wegen der anhaltenden Anti-Regierungsproteste der letzten Monate sind andere Probleme in Thailand mehr oder weniger in Vergessenheit geraten. Zum Beispiel sitzen noch immer zahlreiche politische Gefangene in Thailands Gefängnissen ein, verurteilt wegen angeblicher Majestätsbeleidigung oder wegen dubioser Terrorismusvorwürfe. Interessanterweise handelt es sich dabei fast ausschließlich um Reformer, Menschenrechtler, Intellektuelle, Arbeitsrechtler oder Gegner der konservativen Eliten des Landes.

Especially during the protests in recent months the complete failure of the Thai justice became more and more obvious. The judges took unilaterally the side of the government's opponents. The decisions by several Thai courts during the past few weeks clearly showed the double standard by which the judges evaluate incidents.
Leaders and participants of the red-shirt protests in 2010 were accused and/or sentenced for alleged human rights violations, such as obstructing the traffic or denying the right to shop (no kidding - see also the report of the Thai Human Rights Commission: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2013/08/18/human-rights-the-law-and-violence accused or convicted-in-2010 /) and for terrorism allegations.

Gerade bei den Protesten in den letzten Monaten zeigt sich deutlich, wie die thailändische Justiz vollkommen versagt und sich einseitig auf die Seite der Regierungsgegner stellt. Dieser doppelte Standard, mit dem die Richter Vorfälle bewerten, zeigt sich eindeutig in den Urteilen der letzten Wochen. 
Anführer und Teilnehmer der Rothemden-Proteste in 2010 wurden wegen Aufruhrs, angeblicher Menschrechtsverletzungen, z.B. Behinderung des Straßenverkehrs, Stören des Einkaufens (kein Scherz - siehe auch den Bericht der thailändischen Menschenrechtskommission: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2013/08/18/human-rights-the-law-and-violence-in-2010/) und wegen Terrorismusvorwürfen angeklagt bzw. verurteilt.


On the other hand, charges against the PDRC leadership, eg for insurrection and attempts to overthrow the government, were rejected by the Constitutional Court, because in the opinion of the judges the protesters were just exercising their constitutional rights to protest and are just showing their dissatisfaction with the ruling government.
This is very strange, because all PDRC-speakers constantly call for the "eradication of the Thaksin-regime". They also declare every day on stage that they want to overthrow the "puppet government" of Yingluck Shinawatra. They just announced they will prevent any elections (which is a clear violation of the Constitution) from taking place until the election laws and the Constitution had been reformed in their favour.
http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/402406/pdrc-leaves-no-doubt-about-stand

Auf der anderen Seite wurden Klagen gegen die PDRC-Führung wegen Aufwiegelung zum Aufstand und zum Sturz der Regierung vom Verfassungsgericht abgewiesen, da es sich nach Meinung der Richter nur normale Proteste handelt, in denen Bürger ihre Unzufriedenheit ausdrücken. Ein Aufruf zum Sturz der Regierung sei nicht erkennbar.
Seltsam nur, dass alle PDRC-Redner ständig von der "Ausmerzung des Thaksin-Regimes" reden, den Sturz der jetzigen "Marionettenregierung" fordern und angekündigt haben, alle Neuwahlen zu verhindern, bis die Gesetze und eventuell auch die Verfassung in ihrem Sinne reformiert worden seien (http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/local/402406/pdrc-leaves-no-doubt-about-stand).


Although the PDRC and their supporters prevent people violently in exercising their constitutional right to vote, and although security guards of the PDRC apparently used violence (including abduction, detention, torture and alleged murder: http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/politics/398416/assault-case-puts-spotlight-on-pdrc), the Thai courts can see no wrong and see no need for action.

Obwohl die PDRC und ihre Anhänger die Menschen mit Gewalt am Wählen hindern und damit gegen die Vefassung verstoßen, obwohl Wachleute der PDRC bereits mehrfach durch gewalttätige Übergriffe (einschließlich Verschleppung, Gefangennahme, Folter und mutmasslich Mord) aufgefallen sind, können die Gerichte Thailands kein Unrecht erkennen und sehen keinen Handlungsbedarf.

This event in front of the criminal court in Bangkok on Friday evening, 28 March 2014, was initiated to raise awareness about these grievances, the one-sided interpretation of the law by Thailand's judiciary and the fate of political prisoners and their families. Participants and organizers included the LLTD (League of Liberal Thammasat for Democracy: https://www.facebook.com/lltd.tu), family members of prisoners, former political prisoners and artists of the theater group B-Floor (http://bfloortheatre.com/ensemble.html).

Auf diese Misstände und der einseitigen Rechtsauslegung durch Thailands Justiz sowie auf die Schicksale der politischen Gefangenen und deren Familienangehörigen wollte der Event am Freitagabend, den 28. März 2014, vor dem Strafgericht in Bangkok aufmerksam machen. Teilnehmer und Organisatoren waren unter anderem der LLTD (League of Liberal Thammasat for Democracy: https://www.facebook.com/lltd.tu), Familienangehörige von Gefangenen, ehemalige politische Gefangene sowie Künstler der Theatergruppe B-Floor (http://bfloortheatre.com/ensemble.html).









Bring Light To The Court/Bringt Licht Ins Gericht






Soldiers guarding the compound of the Criminal Court came out one by one and watched the performances and listened to statements. It seemed they were genuinely interested and not just spying.
Soldaten, die das Gelände der Gerichtshofes bewachten, kamen einer nach dem anderen raus um sich die Aufführungen anzusehen bzw. den Reden zuzuhören. Es schien, dass sie sich wirklich für die Veranstaltung interessierten und nicht nur spionieren wollten.




A student activist from the LLTD is answering questions after reading out a poem about article 112 (Lese Majeste Law).
Ein Aktivist der Studentenbewegung LLTD beantwortet Fragen, nachdem er ein Gedicht über den Artikel 112 (Gesetz gegen Majetätsbeleidigung) vorgetragen hatte.


The 85 year-old father of the political prisoner Ekachai Hongkangwan, who was sentenced to 3 years and 4 months in prison.
Der 85-jährige Vater des politischen Gefangenen Ekachai Hongkangwan, der zu 3 Jahren und 4 Monaten Gefängnis veruteilt worden war.




























On 28 March 2013, Ekachai Hongkangwan was sentenced to three years and four months in prison for allegedly violating Article 112 by selling CDs which contained an ABC Australia documentary and copies of WikiLeaks documents. He requested bail while he appealed the case, but this request was denied and he is currently behind bars at the Bangkok Remand Prison. (http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/3572)

Am 28. März 2013 war Ekachai Hongkangwan zu einer Haftstrafe von 3 Jahren und 4 monaten verurteilt worden, weil er angeblich den Artikel 112 verletzt habe. Sein Vergehen: er verkaufte CDs mit einer Dokumentation des australischen Fernsehsenders ABC und Dokumenten von WikiLeaks. Sein Antrag auf Freilassung gegen Kaution während des Berufungsverfahrens wurde abgelehnt. Er sitzt seitdem im Bangkok Remand Prison ein  (mehr Informationen zum Fall Ekachai unter: http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/3572 - nur in Englisch).



Statement (in Thai only) of former prisoner Thantawut Thaweewarodomkul. In March 2011 he was sentenced to 13 years in prison and was pardoned in 2013. His crimes: he allegedly was responsible for posting three messages on the internet which deemed offensive under Section 112 of the Criminal Code (lese majeste law). More information at: http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/2366

Rede (nur in Thai) des ehemaligen Gefangenen Thantawut Thaweewardomkul. Im März 2011 zu 13 Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt und und 2013 begnadigt. Sein Vergehen: er habe angeblich insgesamt drei Messages im Internet gepostet, die den Artikel 112 (Gesetz gegen Majestätsbeleidigung) verletzt hätten.
Mehr dazu (nur in Englisch): http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/2366


Labour activist Jittra Cotchadet and blogger and political activist Nithiwat Wannasiri.
About Chittra Cotchadet: She was one of the protest leaders in the protest against Triumph Thailand. During these protests the Try Arm brand/factory was founded.
The following text is from the TRY ARM webpage (http://tryarm-eng.blogspot.com/2010/06/about-us-try-arm-underwear-fair-trade.html):
Über Chittra Cotchadet: Sie war eine der Anführerinnen der Proteste gegen Triumph Thailand. Während dieser Proteste wurde das Unternehmen/die Marke TRY ARM ins Leben gerufen. Der englische Text unten stammt von der Webseite des Unternehmens:
The TRY ARM brand originated in the protest camp occupied by Triumph International Thailand Labor Union workers engaged in a months-long struggle against their unlawful dismissal by their employer. After more than 20 years of laboring under exploitative garment factory conditions while serving as a beacon for social movements throughout Thailand, TITLU workers have responded to their employer’s final act of union busting by applying their longstanding commitment to democracy and economic justice to the production process itself.

About Nithiwat Wannasiri: political activist and blogger, joined the PAD protests in 2005 because he didn't like the way Thaksin Shinawatra ruled the country and he wanted justice for the victims of the Tak Bai and Krue Sue massacres. In April 2010 he joined the red shirts (insisting he was a free red shirt, not a UDD supporter)  after the Kok Wua intersection crackdown on 10th of April. He also joined the red shirts at Ratchaprasong during the May 19 2010 crackdown.
"It doesn't matter what colour shirt I wear. It might not be red in the future - the only thing that matters is the fight for justice for the people and equality."
http://www.bangkokpost.com/print/270232/

Über Nithiwat Wannasiri: poitischer Aktivist und Blogger, unterstützte die Proteste der PAD 2005, weil er die Art und Weise ablehnte, wie Thaksin Shinawatra das Land regierte. Ausserdem wollte er Gerechtikeit für die Opfer der Massaker von Tak Bai und Krue Sue. Nach der versuchten Niederschlagung (der Rothemdenproteste) im April 2010 an der Kok Wua Kreuzung schloß er sich den Rothemden an (er besteht darauf, ein freier Rothemden-Aktivist zu sein, kein Anhänger der UDD). Er war auch an der Ratchaprasong während der Niederschlagung der Proteste am 19.Mai 2010.
"Die Farbe meines T-Shirts ist nicht wichtig. In Zukunft wird es vielleicht nicht mehr rot sein - das einzige was wirklich zählt, ist der Kampf für Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit."


Statement of Tian Prueksakasemsuk (in Thai only), daughter of Somyot Prueksakasemsuk, who was sentenced to 10 years in prison for publishing two articles of another author in a magazine. Both articles were deemed offensive under Section 112 of the Criminal Code.
More about Somyot: http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2012/12/the-somyot-prueksakasemsuk-case.html
and http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/01/the-somyot-verdict.html

Rede von Tian Prueksakasemsuk, Tochter von Somyot Pruksakesemsuk, der zu 10 Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt wurde, weil er zwei Artikel eines anderen Autoren in einem Magazin veröffentlich hatte. Beide Artikel beleidigten nach Ansicht des Gerichtes die Monarchie.
Mehr über Somyot: http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2012/12/der-somyot-prueksakasemsuk-prozess.html
und http://yanawa.blogspot.com/2013/01/das-somyot-urteil.html

Soldiers voluntarily (as I understood) helped to divert the traffic.
Soldaten regelten freiwillig (soweit mir bekannt ist) den Verkehr.


The B-Floor performance:
























Mittwoch, 12. März 2014

10th Anniversary of Somchai Neelapaijit's disappearance/10. Jahrestag des Verschwindens von Somchai Neelapaijit



Somchai's biography:
http://pataniriver.blogspot.com/2011/03/7th-years-disappearance-of-somchai.html


Part 1: Angkhana Neelapaijit's press conference at the FCCT on the 10th anniversary of her husband's forced disappearance

Part 2 - An analysis by Nicola Glass is coming soon. Der zweite Teil, eine Analyse von Nicola Glass, erscheint in Kürze.

Anmerkung: Von diesem Post gibt es diesmal leider nur eine englischsprachige Version, da sowohl der Videomitschnitt als auch die weiterführenden bzw. vertiefenden Links/Texte nur in englischer Sprache vorliegen. Zur Erleichterung ist der exakte Wortlaut der Erklärung unter dem Video nachlesbar.




Video: 04 March 2014 at the FCCT in Bangkok



(Although it has been now ten years since Somchai vanished, I have never given up my hope), hope that my husband´s disappearance can finally be solved and that my family can achieve justice and peace and closure.

But over the years the hope has grown thinner. Enforced disappearances affected many people in Thailand, not just my family, but many are afraid to seek justice, to seek truth. They are scared, because they have been threatened, especially in the South, where many of them do not (have) access to justice; sometimes they are paid to stay silent.

When Somchai disappeared in 2004 under the Thaksin Shinawatra regime, we were offered money. I was raising five children who have now grown up without their father. We were offered money and a scholarship for my daughters to study abroad, but in return we had to remain silent. We decided not to accept any money back then, but to continue to fight to battle for justice.

As you know, the battle has been continuing for ten years. My husband Somchai knew a lot about injustice. As a son of poor farmers he knew about suffering, exploitation and other social injustice. That´s what inspired him to become a lawyer to help marginalized people. Somchai has had a genuine and strong belief in the justice process. He represented defendands in many high profile cases, including the six Ramkamheang University students, who were charged with treason and communist acts, the case of the Chulalongkorn University student who was planted with drugs, and many cases in the Deep South.

At the time of Somchai´s disappearance the situation in the Deep South of Thailand which was already bad, had gotten even worse under the so-called counter-terrorism policy of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Somchai was helping to represent five villagers from Narathiwat province, who had been arrested and had been subject to torture. He wrote to complain to various agencies to ask the authorities to urgently investigate the case. Just only one day after he had launched the complaints he was abducted by a group of men who later were identified as police officers.

Somchai´s enforced disappearance has brought enormous changes to my life. From being an ordinary housewife with barely any knowledge of the law, I have had to struggle to raise my children through this difficult and upsetting (times), while trying at the same time to figure out a way to expedite justice for the father of my children. I always said even though the justice process may not bring his life back, but it should not be allowed to avoid the responsibility to give justice back to Somchai.

In the past ten years I have tried very hard to achieve justice. The Yingluck government has given me compensation but the money cannot restore the dignity of the victim, and despite this compensation there has never been one word of apology by the government or the Royal Thai Police. Even though the government has changed several times in the past ten years, the senior police have not. Under the government of Abhisit Vejjajiva which came after the Thaksin government, some of the senior Royal Thai police officers who were involved in the Somchai case, were removed or transferred to what we call in Thailand inactive posts.

But now under the Yingluck government they came back, and in very prominent positions. So, we keep going round in circles, governments change but the police stay the same.

As I have discovered it is almost impossible in Thailand for an ordinary person to reach out for justice and the rule of law in human rights abuse cases. It is difficult to convey how traumatic the experience can be to bear witness to the fact that a person who did so much for so many people, is not even bestowed with a gravestone where his descendants can hold a service in memory of him.

At the 24th session of the Human Rights Council held in Geneva last September Prime Minister Yingluck told Human Rights Commissioner Ms Navi Pillay and an international audience that Thailand is committed to human rights. But where is the evidence of this? The people or persons responsible for the enforced disappearance of my husband are free to step forward and ask for a pardon, or offer an apology. I could accept an apology, but I cannot accept the fact that 10 years on we are still fighting for justice. No one has been convicted, and there is no guarantee (that) this sort of thing won´t happen again. This culture of impunity needs to be stopped. Not just for me or my family, but for hundreds of others who have suffered similar injustice.

I thank you.


































More informations on forced disappearances and the Somchai case/
Weitere Informationen zum Thema "verschwundene" Menschen in Thailand und zum Fall Somchai  (nur in Englisch):
http://campaigns.ahrchk.net/somchai/
http://www.hrw.org/reports/2007/03/19/it-was-suddenly-my-son-no-longer-existed-0
http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/03/11/thailand-lawyer-s-disappearance-unsolved-10-years
http://www.prachatai.com/english/node/3066

Somchai's biography/Somchais Biografie (nur in Englisch):
http://pataniriver.blogspot.com/2011/03/7th-years-disappearance-of-somchai.html

FCCT Address/Adresse :
The Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand
The Penthouse, Maneeya Center
518/5 Ploenchit Road
Pathumwan, Bangkok 10330 https://www.fccthai.com/