Freitag, 21. September 2012
From Yannawa to South East Asia - Holgers Blog: Have you been there and if so - how many? - or the...
From Yannawa to South East Asia - Holgers Blog: Have you been there and if so - how many? - or the...: The main entrance of the Criminal Court at Rachadapisek Road on August 9th 2012 was heavily guarded by crowd control units, riot po...
From Yannawa to South East Asia - Holgers Blog: A small insight into Thailands social hierarchy
From Yannawa to South East Asia - Holgers Blog: A small insight into Thailands social hierarchy: Part One: About the language This is a nice little article from the Bangkok Post (28.11.2010) that provides a rough insight into the com...
Mittwoch, 19. September 2012
The Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand - Report
On September 17th 2012 the TRCT (Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand) launched their final report about the 2010 protests which resulted into the bloody April 10th and May 19th 2010 crackdowns with at least 92 people killed in Bangkok. The commission investigated only the killings in Bangkok.
Somchai Homlaor: "The TRCT has no intention to bring anyone to justice or to blame anybody.
Associate Professor Dr. Jutharat Ua-Amnoey focused her speech more or less on just one root cause of the conflict - the economic factor. In the view of the commission the huge gap in the unbalanced distribution of Thailand's wealth between rich urban population and the poor rural dwellers is one main factor for the conflict inside Thailand's society. Their solution: Just pay higher wages and raise the living standard and everything will be fine. But it should be mentioned that in the press release they handed out the TRCT also specifies other root causes like education, the inequality in access to resources, unfair treatment in society (see my blog entry - A small insight into Thailands social hierarchy), etc (here I have to wait for the english version of the final report).
In my opinion the unfair and dismissive treatment of the lower classes is one of the most important causes for the unrest in Thailand's society. Over the years the lower classes became selfaware. They recognised that they are human beings and that they have rights, honour and dignity, too. And they want to be treated like decent citizens. The upper classes are not able to cope with this new development in Thai society. They still see the working class and the rural population as lesser people, serfs or worse, as animals. In April 2010 I had near the red shirt camp at Sala Daeng station a discussion with a young woman that supported the "Silom Lovers Group", a colored group that was formed of angry shop owners, "Democrat Party" supporters, right wing yellow shirts, anti red shirts protesters and some violent hooligans. She called the red shirt protesters "Buffalos" or "Mad Buffalos". She explained that those low class people are like those animals. They are strong and have big muscles but they are stupid and have no brain. They are dirty, smelly, lazy and uneducated. They need the educated people (like herself) to tell them what to do, what to think and how to live. They shouldn't been allowed to have an opinon or to vote because of their stupidity they are not capable to decide what is good for them.
As long as the majority of Thailands population is treated like Buffalos the conflict will grow, even when you pay them higher wages and offer them better education.
Privatdozentin Dr. Jutharat Ua-Amnoey konzentriert sich in ihrer Rede im wesentlichen auf eine Grundursache des Konflikts - den ökonomischen Aspekt. Nach Ansicht des Auschusses ist die gewaltige Lücke bei der ungleichen Verteilung des Wohlstandes in Thailand zwischen der wohlhabenden Stadtbevölkerungung und der armen Landbevölkerung einer der Hauptgründe für die Konflikte innerhalb der thailändische Gesellschaft. Der Lösungsvorschlag des Ausschusses: zahlt höhere Löhne und erhöht den Lebensstandard und alles ist gut. Es sollte allerdings darauf hingewiesen werden, daß das TRCT in den ausgehändigten Arbeitsblättern noch weitere Faktoren anspricht wie z.B. Bildung, ungleiche Verteilung der Ressourcen, unfaire Behandlung innerhalb der Gesellschaft, etc. (siehe hierzu auch meinen Blog "A small insight into Thailands social hierarchy"). Inwieweit die Kommission auf die zuletzt aufgeführten Punkte eingeht, kann ich erst beurteilen, wenn die übersetzte Fassung des Reports vorliegt.
In meinen Augen ist allerdings die unfaire und herablassende Behandlung der unteren Bevölkerunhsschichten ein wesentlicher Hauptgrund für die Unruhe innerhalb der thailändischen Gesellschaft. Über die Jahre ist die Unterschicht sich ihrer Selbst bewußt geworden. Sie erkannte, daß auch sie Menschen sind die Rechte, Ehre und Würde besitzen. Und sie wollen wie ehrbare Bürger behandelt werden. Die Oberschicht ist offensichtlich nicht in der Lage mit dieser neuen Entwicklung innerhalb der thailändischen Gesellschaft Schritt zu halten. Sie betrachten die unteren Klassen immer noch als weniger wertvolle Menschen, als Leibeigene oder noch schlimmer, als Tiere! Im April 2010 hatte ich nahe des Rothemden-Camps an der Sala Daeng Hochbahnstation eine Diskussion mit einer jungen Frau, welche die "Silom Lovers Group" unterstützte. Ein bunt zusammengewürfelter Haufen aus wütenden Ladenbesitzern, Anhängern der "Democrat Party", ultra rechten Anhängern der PAD, Anti-Rothemden-Protestlern und gewaltätigen Randalierern. Sie bezeichnete die Rothemden als "Buffalos" oder "Mad Buffalos", also als Büffel oder verrückte Büffel (in Schmähbegriff der im allgemeinen für die Landbevölkerung verwendet wird). Sie erklärte mir:" Die Menschen der Unterschicht sind wie diese Tiere, unheimlich stark aber dafür dumm und ohne jeglichen Verstand. Sie sind schmutzig, sie stinken, sie sind faul und ungebildet. Sie brauchen die gebildeten Menschen (so wie sie selbst) um ihnen zu sagen was tun sollen und wie sie zu leben haben. Auf Grund ihrer Dummheit sollte es ihnen nicht erlaubt sein, eine eigene Meinung zu haben oder Wählen zu gehen, da sie ja doch nicht wissen, was gut für sie ist."
Solange der größere Teil der Bevölkerung weiterhin wie "Büffel" behandelt wird, werden die Unruhen in Thailand weitergehen, selbst wenn man ihnen höhere Löhne zahlt und einen besseren Zugang zum Bildungssystem ermöglicht.
For Dr. Kanit Nanakorn the second most important cause for Thailand problems is ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. His lust for power, his dictatorial style of ruling, his populist politics ("he pampered the poor" - so translated by the interpretor) and his violent methods (war against drugs, Tak Bai, Krue-sae Mosque, etc.) triggered the events that followed (coup d' etat, protests, crackdown).
His recommendation:
(1) For the country to be peaceful, as chairman of the TRCT, I believe that this is up to Pol. Lt. Col. Thaksin Shinawatra' s sacrifice in stopping every political role.
(2) The goverment must ensure that the distortion of law is clarified by the judical procedure (this refers to accusations against Thaksin and the Constitional Court described on the pages 8 to 18 in his foreword), to eliminate doubt and create trust of the society the Pol. Lt. Col. Thaksin Shinawatra and the Constitutional Court is honest.
(3) ...
(from "Foreword by Dr. Kanit Nanakorn")
The link to pages 8 - 15 of Dr. Kanit Nanakorns foreword on Google+:
https://plus.google.com/u/0/photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790449293099908561#photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790449293099908561
Für Dr. Kanit Nanakorn ist die zweite Hauptursache für die Probleme Thailands der gestürzte Premierminister Thaksin Shinawatra. Seine Machtgier, sein diktatorischer Regierungsstil, seine populistische Politik ("er verhätschelte die Armen" - so übersetzt vom Simultanübersetzer) und seine gewalttätigen Methoden (Krieg gegen die Drogen, Tak Bai, Krue-Sae Moschee, etc.) seien unter anderem für die späteren Ereignisse mitverantwortlich (Putsch, Unruhen/Proteste, die Niederschlagungen).
Seine Empfehlungen:
(1) Um des Friedens Willen im Lande, so glaube ich als Vorsitzender des TRCT, sollte Pol. Lt. Col. Thaksin Shinawatra das Opfer bringen und auf jede weitere Rolle in der Politik (in Zukunft) verzichten.
(2) Die Regierung soll sicherstellen, daß die Verzerrung des Rechts (Dr. Kanit bezieht sich hier auf die Vorwürfe gegen Thaksin und das Verfassungsgericht, beschrieben auf den Seiten 8 bis 18 des Vorwortes) juristisch geklärt wird, um jeden Zweifel an der Aufrichtigkeit auszuräumen und Vertrauen dahingehend zu schaffen, das Thaksin Shinawatra und das Verfassungsgericht es ehrlich meinen.
(3)...
(aus dem Vorwort von Dr. Kanit Nanakorn)
I don't think Thaksin was the main cause for the conflict (even he was a part of it), the roots go much deeper and the grievances have been there for hundreds of years. In public Thaksin treated his rural and urban supporters as equals. He listened to their worries and gave the impression that he cared for them. And of course he supported them with his populist politics (30 Baht scheme, promoting OTOP, etc). Not many treated them (the lower classes) like this before. If he did this just to secure their votes and so his power or if he really cared for them, does not matter. For the first time they benefited directly from Thai politics. He and his politics just accelerated the changing of Thai society, that already had started long before he entered the political arena. Even if I am no fan of Khun Thaksin at all, I have to admit that he was the one of the first prime ministers who took care of some of the needs of the lower classes and gave them the feeling to be noteworthy, gave them back their dignity.
Being a populist and using populist politics are no crimes. He was elected by the majority of the Thai voters and therefore the legitimate prime minister of Thailand. His political opponents have to accept that, even if they don't like it. The commission and here especially Dr. Kanit Nanakorn in his foreword on page 12, clause 13, accuse him of abuse of power, human rights violations and crimes against humanity. Why did no one (e.g. his political opponents) ever tried to charge him with those crimes? Because the military was involved in the human right violations several times and everyone is afraid of the generals? Because charging Thaksin would open the Pandora's box?
Ich denke nicht, daß Thaksin einer der Hauptgründe für den Konflikt war (auch wenn er eine nicht unbedeutende Rolle dabei spielte), die Wurzeln des Konfliktes reichen viel tiefer und die Misstände existieren breits seit hunderten von Jahren.
In der Öffentlichkeit hat Thaksin seine ländlichen und städtischen Anhänger wie Gleichgestellte behandelt. Er hörte sich ihre Probleme an und vermittelte den Eindruck, daß er sich um sie sorge. Und natürlich unterstützte er sie mit seiner populistischen Politik (dem 30 Baht-Schema, der Förderung von OTOP, etc.) Nicht viele vor ihm haben die Menschen (der Unterschichten) so behandelt. Ob er es dabei ehrlich meinte oder es ihm nur darum ging, seine Macht zu sichern, spielt dabei keine Rolle. Zum ersten Male profitierten die Unterschichten unmittelbar von der thailändischen Politik. Er und seine Politik haben die Veränderungen innerhalb der thailändischen Gesellschaft lediglich beschleunigt, die allerdings bereits lange vor seinen Eintritt in die politsche Arena eingesetzt hatten.
Ich bin nun wirklich kein Freund von Thaksin Shinawatra, aber auch ich muß fairer Weise zugegben, er war einer der ersten Premierminister, die sich der Nöte und Sorgen der unteren Bevölkerungsschichten angenommen haben. Er vermittelte ihnen das Gefühl ebenfalls beachtenswert zu sein, ebenfalls Würde zu besitzen.
Ein Populist zu sein oder populistische Politik zu betreiben sind keine Straftaten. Er wurde von der Mehrheit der Wähler ins Amt gewählt und war daher der rechtmäßige Premierminister Thailands. Seine politischen Gegner sollten das akzeptieren, auch wenn es ihnen nicht gefällt. Der Ausschuss, speziell Dr. Kanit Nanakorn in seinem Vorwort u.a. auf Seite 12, Absatz 13, beschuldigen Thaksin immer wieder des Machtmissbrauchs, begangerer Menscherechtsverletzungen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit. Warum hat niemand (z.B. seine politische Gegner) jemals versucht ihn dafür zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen? Weil in einige der Menschrechtsverletzungen das Militär involviert war und man sich vor der Macht der Generäle fürchtet? Weil man Angst hat die Büchse der Pandorra zu öffnen?
The TRCT is highly concerned by the ongoing conflict due to the possibility of escalation to violence through various factors. The TRCT believes that Thai society as a whole should step back and remind itself of the damage this social rift has caused over the years, and violent incidents in the past should be seen as a lesson - a reminder of what we have lost, what we need to do to stop history from repeating itself and move on to reconciliation. The TRCT would like to call for serious implementation of its recommendations by the government and all sectors of society, with the mutual benefits of society at large
in mind and without selective application of certain recommendations for any party's gain.
The TRCT's recommendations for the reconciliation process are as follows:
1. Recommendations on using the truth behind past incidents and the root causes of our conflict as lessons to foster sustainable reconciliation
The TRCT requests all parties to maintain a reconciliatory atmosphere in society, turn down any sense of rivalry, strive to prevent violence, and stop disseminating information that can incite hatred or violence. Politicians must not use their political advantage or use political arena to exacerbate the conflict for their own immediate advantage. In the implementation of the reconciliation process, the government and the political sector as a whole must take into account the necessary participation of the general public, and proceed thoroughly without any intention to accelerate the process of reconciliation. Additionally, the government must provide required information to the pubtic and hear out citizens' opinions, thus allowing those of different political dispositions to exchange their thoughts - particularly those concerning causes of conflict problem - in a shared space.
The conflict problem has become a deep-rooted chain of issues that affect the country's core economic, social, and potitical structures. The TRCT wants all parties to study the root causes of the conflict in order to achieve a common understanding and seek solutions that will pave the way to reconciliation. Regarding the disclosure of facts about the conflict and past violent incidents, the TRCT is highly concerned that certain facts may be elaborated in a manner of aggravating the conflict situation. For example, certain parties may choose to present a selective set of facts to the public as an attack on their opposition. Such actions go directly against the TRCT's intentions in disclosing the truth, and the TRCT would like to request every party to refrain from this act. Even though the TRCT's term has ended, the reconciliation process must continue
with full participation from all sides. The TRCT believes that the government must embrace mechanisms that are genuinety neutral in nature to keep the reconciliation process on track. The government should provide budgetary support without interfering in the workings of these mechanisms. One example of this is the formation of a national reconciliation network with members of neutral disposition representing every sector of Thai society and with the intention of having a leading role in reconciliation process through democratic and peacefuI methods.
2. Recommendations on the transitionat justice
The TRCT believes that all parties should seek to understand and implement the transitional justice according to a holistic approach without selectively using certain measures for one's own benefits. lt must also be noted that the transitional justice does not in any way overrule the core justice system. The transitional system is simply a flexible counterpart that is appropriate with the current circumstances in Thai society, which is moving towards the reconciliation. The implementation of transitional justice starts with the disclosure of truth and the process of recognition of truth in a systematic manner to those affected by the conflict. The disclosed truth will then be used in subsequent prosecution, reparation, or any other initiatives of responsibility.
Prosecution
The TRCT believes that those who violated the law must be held legally accountable. The government must address legaI violations of all parties through justice system which must be fair and impartial. ln the TRCT's opinion, criminal acts carried out during the peak of violence and/or political tension were at least partly caused by differences in political motives and attempts to incite hatred. In some cases, it could be said that the perpetrator was not a criminal by nature, and the principle of restorative justice must be adopted in conjunction with criminal justice, which emphasizes on the punishment, in order to restore relationships between conflicting parties and bring true justice to all.
Reparation
4. Recommendations on democrary, good governance, and human rights in Thai society
The TRCT requests all parties to adhere to the principles of democracy. While democracy is not a flawless form of government, it is the best system currently available. Should any issues arise from the flaws inherent in democracy, then all parties should tolerate and learn how to address these issues in a democratic and peaceful way – e.g. parliamentary procedures, justice system through courts or referendums. These issues must not and cannot be resolved through coups. The government must educate the people of basic democratic principles and encourage democratic conduct among families, academic institutions and other organisations in society. The government must apply the principles of good governance in its work to ensure that the administration of the country is effective, transparent, and accountable through effective check and balance mechanisms. The government must solve corruption and the conflict of interest while also supporting the actions of civil society sector or people's networks in inspecting the government and carrying out social sanctions against those in breach of these principles. The government is required to protect and preserve the basic rights of people and prevent any violation of these rights. While the country remains divided by different political views, the TRCT requests that the government must protect the freedom of expression of people through peaceful means according to the law and people must also be protected from being threatened because of the exercise of such freedom. Moreover, the law must not be used as a political tool to block or limit the access to information or the freedom to express one's opinions according to the law. Moreover, the government must comply with internationaI obligations concerning the protection of human rights and fundamental freedom as well as amend or revoke the laws that impose unnecessarity significant limitations on citizens' rights.
5. Recommendations on solving fundamental problems in Thai society
Thai society will remain mired in conflict and on the brink of violent clashes as long as the root causes of the conflict problem remain unresolved. Such causes include socio-economic discrepancies between classes, inequality in access to resources or an unbalanced distribution of wealth. The TRCT believes the government should be determined and has a political view to economic, social, and political reforms that address these fundamental problems through legal measures or policies designed to reduce gaps between classes, support equality in national development, improve quality of life, ensure universal fair treatment in society, tackle economic issues, and improve the quality of education. The government should also take into account the rights and opportunities of disadvantaged citizens. Additionally, the TRCT recommends that the government step away from a centralised approach of administration and instead encourage citizen participation. By decentralising administrative power, the people can gain greater control over policies and initiatives, thus bolstering the strength of Thai democracy and strengthening the concept of citizen politics.
6. Recommendations on the amendment of constitution
The movement to accelerate the amendment of the constitution without thoroughly informing the general public and making people understand the amendment process may lead to doubts. The TRCT thus requests the government, the national assembly, politicians and all concerned parties that the amendment of the constitution must be in compliance with the rule of law and the principle of the supremacy of the constitution, and comply with all relevant rules and stipulated procedures. The TRCT would also like to emphasize the importance of public participation in the amendment process. The government is required to supply thorough and accurate information on the amendment for the general public, allowing them to understand the issues at hand and take part in the decision making process. The TRCT recommends that the government organise public hearing or deliberative dialogue for the discussion on provisions of the constitution and the authority of the entities under the constitution as to whether any problem exists and how to solve the problem. This will allow people to be able to carefully consider the positives, negatives, and consequences of the amendment of the constitution prior to the referendum process for the constitution which may be amended in the future. Such a process will lead to the constitution that truly belongs to the people of Thailand, and the government should foster this sense of ownership and respect for the constitution - complete with an understanding
that the constitution can be amended to fit changing social circumstances through processes stipulated by the constitution.
7. Recommendations on the Monarchy
Monarchy under the constitution
Referring to the Monarchy with political issues and political conflict for the benefit of any political movements has resulted in exacerbating the conflict and the polarization of people. This also adversely affects the Monarchy and the nation as a whole. The TRCT requests all parties to cease referring to the Monarchy for political gains either directly or indirectly. All parties must express a clear intent to venerate the Monarchy as being above all political conflicts. The government should support learning and mutual understanding about the status and role of the Monarchy in compliance with development of the constitutional monarchy. The government should also support the research regarding the Monarchy as well as promote peaceful forums for people with different views to exchange opinions.
Lese majeste law
The TRCT requests that all parties refrain from using the lese majeste law as a tool
to attack their political opponents. Such abuse of the law does not benefit the Monarchy
and pose obstacles to the reconciliation process. The TRCT views that the government and the national assembly should consider the amendment of lese majeste law, which hands out disproportionately strong sentences, limits the discretion of the court to set appropriate sentencing and opens for anyone to accuse for the prosecution. Since this matter is very sensitive, the government must exercise utmost caution to avoid deepening the conflict in society. One possible measure is to study the legal approach of other countries with the Monarchy for amending the law appropriately. While the lese majeste law remains in its current state, the government should be careful in the enforcement of such law by avoiding the enforcement in a broader manner than the law itself stipulated. The government should not strictly use the criminal policy without direction or without regard to the sensitivity of the case. The government should support the use of discretion of agencies in justice system in an appropriate manner. The government should support the integration of the work of relevant agencies and the mechanism for determining appropriate criminal policy and for categorizing cases according to degree of behavior, intention, status of perpetrator, overall context of the situation, and the impact from the prosecution to the monarchy.
8. Recommendations on the media
Recommendations for media organisations
The media's conduct - especially in reporting inaccurate or distorted stories, hate speech, or incitement to violence - is a significant factor behind the current social division and escalation of the conflict to violent incident. The TRCT requests that all sides stop using the media as a tool to provoke the masses or the violence. All media organisations must act responsibly according to their professional ethics and present the facts in the circumspect and accurate manner without any distortion. Additionally, the media should play a role in mitigating conflict in the country by serving as a pubtic forum for opinions from all parties, allowing moderates to express themselves clearly while reducing the prominence of extremists who aim to provoke violence. The TRCT is also of the opinion that professional media associations should develop measures to take action against the media and media profession which act against professional ethics, provide training on ethics in media work, and provide guidelines on conduct in tense or sensitive situations and field reporting.
Recommendations for the government
The government must develop measures to ensure that the media can operate independently. It must also support any mechanism that protects the media from interference and intimidation by any influences. The government must solve the problem involving ownership structure of media organisations to prevent the media domination. New laws should be enacted to safeguard the media profession to independently present the information to the public. The TRCT recommends that the government must seriously enforce provisions of the constitution pertaining to the freedom of media, particutarly the provision that prohibits holders of political office from owning or being a sharehotder in media business wither directly or indirectly, as this involves a conflict of interest. The government must not use the closure of media or exercise any type of influence over the media. Instead, it must support the development of mechanisms for professional self-monitoring by the media. The government should also educate people on the roles and responsibilities of the media, thus enabling them to play a role in monitoring media conduct. ln the long run, the government must support the establishment of the association for media consumer protection.
9. Recommendations on the army and military
Army and military interference in poitics - especially in the form of coups - deprives Thai society of opportunities to learn how to solve political disputes in a democratic manner. This interference also leads to dissatisfaction and escalation of tension among groups that believe their sovereignty, rights, or personal gains had been infringed upon or damaged by the overthrowing of an elected government. The TRCT requests that the military and its leaders remain neutral and strictly refrain from coups or any politically motivated actions in any way. Furthermore, politicians and society must not demand or support military involvement in politics. All parties must adhere to the principle that the military is under civilian control. The government and the military must seek to train professional soldiers with great expertise, a deeply-rooted belief in democracy, and a desire to strive for accountability according to good governance. ln addition, the government should also appoint a parliamentary ombudsman to oversee the military's actions. The use of the armed forces to solve conflicts in the country often leads to violence. The TRCT believes that the government must not use the military as a solution for political conflicts and public demonstrations in any case since the military operation in its nature is not appropriate to respond to internal strife or crowd control. The government must improve the system of controlling military weapons and make it more efficient. Also, it must implement stringent measures to eliminate illegal weapons, illegal arms trade and to reduce weapons among the civilian population as well as criminal organizations. The army must have stringent and effective measures in place to discipline the behavior of soldiers, who are out of line, having a role with political fractions, influence groups or other groups seeking illicit gains or semi-legal and illegal business ventures - all of which are conduct that would bring the military into disrepute. The TRCT also views that the government should amend the the Military Discipline Act, B.E. 2476 to allow disciplinary measures for military officers at all levels.
10. Recommendations on demonstrations and rights of demonstrators
The freedom of assembly is a fundamental freedom that must be guaranteed by the state. However, the exercise of such freedom must be according to the law. The TRCT requests that leaders of the demonstration and demonstrators exercise the freedom of assembly in a peaceful manner without the use of arms or the use of anything as arms. They shall adhere to the peaceful approach and strictly refrain from using any violence. This includes the behaviors or statements which incite hatred and violence as well as
behaviors that challenge the officials in the demonstration area to use violence. The TRCT views that the leaders of the demonstration must show responsibility in the case of illegal demonstration or the use of violence. Meanwhite, the TRCT requests that people not taking part in the demonstration should show tolerance for the exercise of such freedom and avoid facing with the demonstrators with strong displays of dissatisfaction or violence. The TRCT requests that the government use utmost caution in the enforcement of
national security laws - e.g. Martial Law Act, B.E. 2457, Royal Decree on State Administration in Emergenry Situations, B.E. 2548, and Internal Security Act, B.E. 2557 - to handle unrest caused by political demonstrations. If recklessly enforced, these laws could infringe on the basic rights and freedoms of people, conflict with the principle of proportionality, and bring harm to the general public and society. Additionatly, the government must not involve the military in crowd-control operations, which should be left as a responsibility of the police or civilian officials trained specifically for crowd control. Should there be any violation of the internationally-accepted rules, the government must show responsibility, offer an apology for any damages caused, investigate the truth, provide reparation to victims, and bring the perpetrators to justice system. To guarantee the freedom of assembly, the government must provide demonstrators with protection from interference or malicious acts by parties who oppose peaceful gatherings. The government must also facilitate people who do not participate in the demonstration. The government must develop action plans for ending the demonstration and non-violent measures for crowd control, prepare adequate and appropriate equipment for ending the demonstration, and provide training to the official to strictly follow the international
standard. The readiness of security officials must be evaluated prior to and after such operations. Should there be an armed presence hidden among demonstrators with malicious intent, the government may call. upon specially-trained units to carry out high-precision operations that are appropriate to the situation. In this regard, if an operation is deemed to be potentialty harmful to others, the said operation must be terminated
immediately.
The TRCT recommends that the government should support the development of standards for non-violent demonstrations through public hearings. Provided that there will be the standard or the law governing public assembly in the future, such standard and law must be in compliance with the constitution and international human rights taking into consideration the type and nature of the demonstrations. In this regard, the government may study the similar cases from other countries as a proper basis for this development.
12. Recommendations on the role of religion
Am 17. September 2012 stellte der TRCT(Ausschuss für die Wahrheitsfindung zur Versöhnung in Thailand - Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand) die endgültige Fassung seines Berichtes vor. Seine Aufgabe war es, die Vorgänge während der Proteste in 2010 zu untersuchen, die letztendlich zu den blutigen Niederschlagungen vom 10. April und 19. Mai 2010 führten. In Bangkok alleine gab es mindestens 92 Todesopfer. Der Ausschuß untersuchte ausschließlich die Todesfälle in Bangkok.
 |
| from left to right: Mr. Wisit Wisitsora-At, Mr. Ronnachai Kongsakul, Mr. Manich Sooksomchitra, Mr. Somchai Homlaor,
Dr. Kanit Nanakorn (Chairman), Mr. Kittipong Kittayarak, Mrs. Jutharat Ua-Ammoey, Dr. Surasak Likasitwatanakul,
Dr. Decha Sangkawan, Mr. Pireeyut Wannapruk
|
The comission
The TRCT was implemented on July 17th 2010 by the government of then prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, which also ordered the attacks on the red shirt camps on April 10th and May 19th 2010. For that reason many critics doubt the impartiality of the commission. The 11 members of the group were selected by Dr. Kanit Nanakorn, the chairman of the commission, who was asked by the government to form the commission. He also asked Jaturon Chaisang, Veera Musikapong and Sonthi Limthongkul to join the TRCT. All three declined his request!
Picture Gallery of 10 commission members (No photos of Commissioner Mr. Sanphasit Koompraphant and Assistant Secretary Mr. Vittaya Suriyawong because they did not attend the presentation)
on Google+:
https://plus.google.com/u/0/photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790423996109138481#photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790423996109138481
on Facebook (you have to log in first):
Picture Gallery of 10 commission members (No photos of Commissioner Mr. Sanphasit Koompraphant and Assistant Secretary Mr. Vittaya Suriyawong because they did not attend the presentation)
on Google+:
https://plus.google.com/u/0/photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790423996109138481#photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790423996109138481
on Facebook (you have to log in first):
Der Ausschuss
Der TRCT wurde am 17. Juli 2010 vom damaligen Premierminister Abhisit Vejjajiva und dessen Regierung eingesetzt, welche zugleich auch für die Angriffe auf die Lager der Rothemden am 10. April und 19. Mai verantwortlich war. Aus diesem Grund zweifeln viele Kritiker an der Unbefangenheit des Ausschusses. Die 11 weiteren Mitglieder der Kommission wurden von Dr. Kanit Nanakorn, dem Vorsitzenden des Ausschusses ausgwählt, der von der damaligen Regierung berufen worden war, die Kommision aufzubauen und zu leiten. Er hat auch zwei Anführer der Rothemden (UDD - United front for Democracy against Dictatorship), Jaturon Chaisang und Veera Musikapong, und einen der Anführer der Gelbhemden (PAD - People's Alliance for Democracy), Sonthi Limthongkul um Mitarbeit gebeten. Alle drei Anführer lehnten die Zusammenarbeit ab!
1. The results of the investigations (presented by Somchai Homlaor)
 |
| Somchai Homlaor |
Let us look ahead!"
Somchai Homlaor:"Der TRCT hat nicht die Absicht irgendjemanden zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen
oder zu beschuldigen. Laßt uns nach vorne schauen!"
I am much more sceptical about this report as Sunai Phasuk, a researcher in Thailand with Human Rights Watch, who praised the commission’s report as balanced and relying on “neutral evidence and forensic science". "This is the first report in modern Thai political history that investigates violence from all sides", he said on Thai television. He also mentioned that the TRCT should not stop its work, but continue communicating with the public. "They did not build trust, so everyone questions TRCT's integrity and motive". (http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Panel-not-seeking-prosecutions-30190601.html)
And I completely disagree with Khun Somchai - looking ahead without justice is impossible and opens the door for new violence and injustice!
Ich stehe dem Bericht wesentlich skeptischer gegenüber als etwa Sunai Pasuk, einem thailändischen Rechercheur für Human Rights Watch, der den Bericht des Ausschusses als ausgewogen gelobt hat, da er (der Report) auf unparteiischer Beweisführung und Kriminaltechnik beruhe. "Dies ist der erste Bericht in der politischen Geschichte Thailands der die Gewalt von allen beteiligten Seiten untersucht", sagte gegenüber dem thailändischen Fernsehen. Ausserdem merkte er an, der Ausschuss möge seine Arbeit fortsetzen und weiterhin mit der Öffentlichkeit zusammenarbeiten. "Sie haben kein Vertrauen aufgebaut, daher stellen alle die Integrität und die Absichten des TRCTs in Frage".
Ausserdem muß ich Somchai Homlaor energisch Widersprechen - nach vorne zu schauen ohne Gerechtigkeit (für die Opfer) ist unmöglich und öffnet nur die Tür für neue Gewalt und Ungerechtigkeit!
I have to mention that the 351 pages strong final report is only available in Thai languge at the moment (and I still can't read Thai), that's why my comments and criticism can only refer to the speeches of the commisson members and the translated leaflets (opening speech, summery of recommendations and a definition of reconciliation) that were handed out at that event.
Anmerkung: der 351 Seiten umfassende Bericht liegt zur Zeit nur in der thailändischen Fassung vor (ich kann noch immer nicht Thai lesen), daher beziehen sich meine Kommentare und meine Kritik ausschließlich auf die Reden der Ausschussmitglieder und den ausgehändigten Arbeitsblättern (die Eröffnungsrede, Zusammenfassung der Empfehlungen und einer Definition des Begriffes "Versöhnung").
Die TRCT hatte versprochen, eine vollständige Übersetzung des gesamten Reports nachzureichen. Dies ist nie geschehen! Offensichtlich waren die Mitglieder des Kommittees über die heftige Kritik an ihrem Bericht derart geschockt, dass sie auf die Veröffentlichung verzichteten. Sowohl internationale Organisationen als auch Medien kritisierten sowohl die Einseitigkeit des Berichtes als auch die Untersuchungsergebnisse, die fast ausschliesslich auf Vermutungen und nicht auf Fakten beruhen.
Very often the commission's conclusions (as they admitted at the presentation) refer to simple circumstantial evidence only and not to real proof. To be fair, it has also to be mentioned that the commission had no real power to force witnesses, soldiers or protesters to cooperate. They were completely depending on voluntary collaboration. Another problem the TRCT had to face was that a lot of evidence and many traces were (intentionally?) already removed or destroyed when they started their investigation.
The following two examples will explain why I am partly criticising the findings of this report.
Sehr oft beruhen die Schlußfolgerungen der Kommission ausschließlich auf mehr oder weniger eindeutigen Indizien und nicht auf wirklichen Beweisen. Es sollte allerdings der Fairness wegen darauf hingewiesen werden, daß dem Ausschuss keine wirkliche rechtliche Handhabe zugebilligt wurde, so daß er keine Möglichkeit besaß, Zeugen, Soldaten oder Protestler zur Mitarbeit zu zwingen. Er war ausschließlich auf freiwillige Kooperation angewiesen. Ein anderes Problem für die Kommission war, daß zahlreiche Spuren und Hinweise bereits (bewußt?) beseitigt oder zerstört worden waren, als sie ihre Arbeit aufnahm.
An den folgenden beiden Beispielen möchte ich verdeutlichen, warum ich teilweise die Ergebnisse des Reports kritisiere.
Somchai Homlaor:"Der TRCT hat nicht die Absicht irgendjemanden zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen
oder zu beschuldigen. Laßt uns nach vorne schauen!"
I am much more sceptical about this report as Sunai Phasuk, a researcher in Thailand with Human Rights Watch, who praised the commission’s report as balanced and relying on “neutral evidence and forensic science". "This is the first report in modern Thai political history that investigates violence from all sides", he said on Thai television. He also mentioned that the TRCT should not stop its work, but continue communicating with the public. "They did not build trust, so everyone questions TRCT's integrity and motive". (http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Panel-not-seeking-prosecutions-30190601.html)
And I completely disagree with Khun Somchai - looking ahead without justice is impossible and opens the door for new violence and injustice!
Ich stehe dem Bericht wesentlich skeptischer gegenüber als etwa Sunai Pasuk, einem thailändischen Rechercheur für Human Rights Watch, der den Bericht des Ausschusses als ausgewogen gelobt hat, da er (der Report) auf unparteiischer Beweisführung und Kriminaltechnik beruhe. "Dies ist der erste Bericht in der politischen Geschichte Thailands der die Gewalt von allen beteiligten Seiten untersucht", sagte gegenüber dem thailändischen Fernsehen. Ausserdem merkte er an, der Ausschuss möge seine Arbeit fortsetzen und weiterhin mit der Öffentlichkeit zusammenarbeiten. "Sie haben kein Vertrauen aufgebaut, daher stellen alle die Integrität und die Absichten des TRCTs in Frage".
Ausserdem muß ich Somchai Homlaor energisch Widersprechen - nach vorne zu schauen ohne Gerechtigkeit (für die Opfer) ist unmöglich und öffnet nur die Tür für neue Gewalt und Ungerechtigkeit!
I have to mention that the 351 pages strong final report is only available in Thai languge at the moment (and I still can't read Thai), that's why my comments and criticism can only refer to the speeches of the commisson members and the translated leaflets (opening speech, summery of recommendations and a definition of reconciliation) that were handed out at that event.
Anmerkung: der 351 Seiten umfassende Bericht liegt zur Zeit nur in der thailändischen Fassung vor (ich kann noch immer nicht Thai lesen), daher beziehen sich meine Kommentare und meine Kritik ausschließlich auf die Reden der Ausschussmitglieder und den ausgehändigten Arbeitsblättern (die Eröffnungsrede, Zusammenfassung der Empfehlungen und einer Definition des Begriffes "Versöhnung").
Update March 2015:
The TRCT promised to publish an English translation of their report for the international media. That never happened! Obviously the fierce criticism of many international organisations and media on this one-sided report, which results are based mainly on presumptions and not facts, shocked the committee and they decided not to publish the whole report.Die TRCT hatte versprochen, eine vollständige Übersetzung des gesamten Reports nachzureichen. Dies ist nie geschehen! Offensichtlich waren die Mitglieder des Kommittees über die heftige Kritik an ihrem Bericht derart geschockt, dass sie auf die Veröffentlichung verzichteten. Sowohl internationale Organisationen als auch Medien kritisierten sowohl die Einseitigkeit des Berichtes als auch die Untersuchungsergebnisse, die fast ausschliesslich auf Vermutungen und nicht auf Fakten beruhen.
Very often the commission's conclusions (as they admitted at the presentation) refer to simple circumstantial evidence only and not to real proof. To be fair, it has also to be mentioned that the commission had no real power to force witnesses, soldiers or protesters to cooperate. They were completely depending on voluntary collaboration. Another problem the TRCT had to face was that a lot of evidence and many traces were (intentionally?) already removed or destroyed when they started their investigation.
The following two examples will explain why I am partly criticising the findings of this report.
Sehr oft beruhen die Schlußfolgerungen der Kommission ausschließlich auf mehr oder weniger eindeutigen Indizien und nicht auf wirklichen Beweisen. Es sollte allerdings der Fairness wegen darauf hingewiesen werden, daß dem Ausschuss keine wirkliche rechtliche Handhabe zugebilligt wurde, so daß er keine Möglichkeit besaß, Zeugen, Soldaten oder Protestler zur Mitarbeit zu zwingen. Er war ausschließlich auf freiwillige Kooperation angewiesen. Ein anderes Problem für die Kommission war, daß zahlreiche Spuren und Hinweise bereits (bewußt?) beseitigt oder zerstört worden waren, als sie ihre Arbeit aufnahm.
An den folgenden beiden Beispielen möchte ich verdeutlichen, warum ich teilweise die Ergebnisse des Reports kritisiere.
My first example is the investigation into the clashes at Kok Wua intersection (next to the Monument of Democracy) on April 10th 2010 . That day Major General Khattiya Sawasdiphol (aka Seh Daeng) was recognised in the evening by witnesses in that area, while in the afternoon (the same day) a group of protesters and "black uniformed men" disarmed some soldiers and escaped with their weapons. So the commission concluded after examining the used ammunition and the trajectories: some of the killed soldiers and protesters had to be shot dead by those "black uniformed men", the so called black shirts. Ok, there is some evidence and this is one possible explanation about what happened - but it is only an assumption and there is still no hard evidence! No one could confirm or prove that Major General Khattiya ordered the attack. The black shirts were seen by witnesses in that area that day and they were involved in the fighting. But no one can proof that they actually KILLED anyone that day (as far I know).
Mein erstes Beispiel betrifft die Untersuchungen des Zusammenstoßes von Militär und Protestlern an der Kok Wua-Kreuzung in der Nähe des Denkmals für Demokratie am 10. April 2010. An diesem Tag wurde in der Umgebung des Denkmals abends der Generalmajor Khattiya Sawasdiphol (auch der "Rote General" genannt) von Zeugen beobachtet. Am Nachmittag des gleichen Tages hat eine Gruppe von Protestlern und "schwarz uniformierten Männern" eine Gruppe von Soldaten entwaffnet und ist mit den erbeuteten Waffen geflohen. Daher kam die Kommission auf Grund der verwendeten Munition und der Flugbahnen der Geschosse zu folgendem Ergebnis: einige der getöteten Soldaten und Rothemden wurden von den sogenannten "Schwarzhemden" erschossen. Nun gut, es gibt einige Indizien und es ist eine mögliche Erklärung der Vorfälle am jenen Tag - aber es ist nicht mehr als eine Vermutung ohne wirklichen Beweis. Niemand kann bisher bestätigen, ob Generalmajor Khattiya den Angriff wirklich befohlen hat. Niemand hat gesehen (soweit mir bekannt ist), daß die "Schwarzhemden" an diesem Tag wirklich jemanden getötet haben.
Mein erstes Beispiel betrifft die Untersuchungen des Zusammenstoßes von Militär und Protestlern an der Kok Wua-Kreuzung in der Nähe des Denkmals für Demokratie am 10. April 2010. An diesem Tag wurde in der Umgebung des Denkmals abends der Generalmajor Khattiya Sawasdiphol (auch der "Rote General" genannt) von Zeugen beobachtet. Am Nachmittag des gleichen Tages hat eine Gruppe von Protestlern und "schwarz uniformierten Männern" eine Gruppe von Soldaten entwaffnet und ist mit den erbeuteten Waffen geflohen. Daher kam die Kommission auf Grund der verwendeten Munition und der Flugbahnen der Geschosse zu folgendem Ergebnis: einige der getöteten Soldaten und Rothemden wurden von den sogenannten "Schwarzhemden" erschossen. Nun gut, es gibt einige Indizien und es ist eine mögliche Erklärung der Vorfälle am jenen Tag - aber es ist nicht mehr als eine Vermutung ohne wirklichen Beweis. Niemand kann bisher bestätigen, ob Generalmajor Khattiya den Angriff wirklich befohlen hat. Niemand hat gesehen (soweit mir bekannt ist), daß die "Schwarzhemden" an diesem Tag wirklich jemanden getötet haben.
The same problem appeared when the TRCT surveyed the death of Major General Khattiya Sawasdhipol. When M.G. Khattiya was giving an interview to Thomas Fuller of the New York Times on May 13th 2010, he was shot in the head. Analysing the trajectory of the bullet and the used ammunition the commission concluded: The bullet may have been fired from one of the surrounding high rise buildings which were mostly under army control at that time (so the commission in their report). The projectile they found in the body of Khattiya Sawadiphol is used by the army. So it may have been possible that Khattiya Sawasdiphol was murdered by a soldier, a sniper. Again only guessings on circumsatntial evidence, even if it is the most likely interpretation, they can't deliver any proof and no names, no culprits!
Das gleiche Problem tauchte auf, als das TRCT die Todesursache von Generalmayor Khattiya Sawasdiphol untersuchte. Als Generalmayor Khattiya am 13. Mai 2010 Thomas Fuller von der New York Times ein Interview gab, wurde er von einer Kugel in den Kopf getroffen. Nach der Analyse der Flugbahn und der verwendeten Munition kam die Kommision zu folgendem Ergebnis: Die Kugel wurde wahrscheinlich von der Hochhäuser in der näheren Umgebung abgefeuert, die zu jenem Zeitpunkt von der Armee kontrolliert wurden (laut Aussage des Ausschusses). Das Projektil, das im Körper von Khattiya Sawasdiphol sichergestellt wurde, gehört zu der von der Armee verwendeten Munition. Daher ist es mit hoher Wahrscheinlichkeit sicher, daß sein Mörder ein Soldat, ein Scharfschütze war. Aber wieder sind es nur Vermutungen auf Grund von Indizien. Auch wenn es sich sicherlich um eine höchstwahrscheinliche Einschätzung handelt, bleiben sie die Beweise schuldig. Sie liefern keine Namen, keine Täter.
 |
| On May 13th 2010 major general Khattija Sawasdiphol was shot in the head. He died 4 days later at a hospital. This photo was taken a few minutes before he was shot by a sniper. Am 13. Mai wird Genaralmajor Khattija Sawasdiphol durch einen gezielten Kofschuss lebensgefährlich verletzt. Er starb vier Tage später im Krankenhaus. |
Refering to that incidence the TRCT mentioned those "black uniformed men" again. One of them was allegedly seen entering a tent of the UDD guards after the shooting. Reportedly he came out of the tent with one armed guard and they started firing at the the high rise buildings. Honestly, I was there just a few minutes before Major General Khattiya was murdered and I did not see any "black shirt". All I saw were the two unarmed bodyguards of Major General Khattiya, dressed in black. It has to be mentioned, that many of the UDD guards were also dressed in black but had nothing to do with these mysterious "black uniformed men", an armed, paramilitary unit.
Auf den zuvor beschriebenen Vorfall bezogen bringt dasTRCT wieder die ominösen "schwarz uniformierten Männer" ins Spiel. Angeblich wurde einer von ihnen dabei beobachtet, wie er nach der Ermordung Khattiyas ein Zelt der UDD-Wachen betrat. Berichten zufolge verließ er das Zelt zusammen mit einem bewaffneten Wachmann und sie begannen auf die umliegenden Hochhäuser zu feuern. Ehrlich gesagt, ich bin an jenem Tag nur wenige Minuten vor der Ermordung von Generalmayor Khattiya an der Stelle gewesen und die einzigen schwarz uniformierten Männer, die ich gesehen habe, waren seine beiden unbewaffneten Bodyguards. Es sollte übrigens mal angemerkt werden, daß viele der UDD-Wachen ebenfalls schwarze Kleidung trugen (siehe Foto), sie sind aber nicht identisch mit den mysteriösen "Schwarzhemden", einer bewaffneten, paramilitärischen Einheit.
 |
| Major General Khattiyas bodyguards before the shooting. |
 |
| May 13th 2010, a UDD guard dressed in black behind the barricade near Sala Daeng. |
2. The root cause of the conflict (presented by Mrs. Jutharat Ua-Amnoey)/die Grundursachen des Konfliktes
 |
| Mrs. Jutharat Ua-Amnoey |
In my opinion the unfair and dismissive treatment of the lower classes is one of the most important causes for the unrest in Thailand's society. Over the years the lower classes became selfaware. They recognised that they are human beings and that they have rights, honour and dignity, too. And they want to be treated like decent citizens. The upper classes are not able to cope with this new development in Thai society. They still see the working class and the rural population as lesser people, serfs or worse, as animals. In April 2010 I had near the red shirt camp at Sala Daeng station a discussion with a young woman that supported the "Silom Lovers Group", a colored group that was formed of angry shop owners, "Democrat Party" supporters, right wing yellow shirts, anti red shirts protesters and some violent hooligans. She called the red shirt protesters "Buffalos" or "Mad Buffalos". She explained that those low class people are like those animals. They are strong and have big muscles but they are stupid and have no brain. They are dirty, smelly, lazy and uneducated. They need the educated people (like herself) to tell them what to do, what to think and how to live. They shouldn't been allowed to have an opinon or to vote because of their stupidity they are not capable to decide what is good for them.
As long as the majority of Thailands population is treated like Buffalos the conflict will grow, even when you pay them higher wages and offer them better education.
Privatdozentin Dr. Jutharat Ua-Amnoey konzentriert sich in ihrer Rede im wesentlichen auf eine Grundursache des Konflikts - den ökonomischen Aspekt. Nach Ansicht des Auschusses ist die gewaltige Lücke bei der ungleichen Verteilung des Wohlstandes in Thailand zwischen der wohlhabenden Stadtbevölkerungung und der armen Landbevölkerung einer der Hauptgründe für die Konflikte innerhalb der thailändische Gesellschaft. Der Lösungsvorschlag des Ausschusses: zahlt höhere Löhne und erhöht den Lebensstandard und alles ist gut. Es sollte allerdings darauf hingewiesen werden, daß das TRCT in den ausgehändigten Arbeitsblättern noch weitere Faktoren anspricht wie z.B. Bildung, ungleiche Verteilung der Ressourcen, unfaire Behandlung innerhalb der Gesellschaft, etc. (siehe hierzu auch meinen Blog "A small insight into Thailands social hierarchy"). Inwieweit die Kommission auf die zuletzt aufgeführten Punkte eingeht, kann ich erst beurteilen, wenn die übersetzte Fassung des Reports vorliegt.
In meinen Augen ist allerdings die unfaire und herablassende Behandlung der unteren Bevölkerunhsschichten ein wesentlicher Hauptgrund für die Unruhe innerhalb der thailändischen Gesellschaft. Über die Jahre ist die Unterschicht sich ihrer Selbst bewußt geworden. Sie erkannte, daß auch sie Menschen sind die Rechte, Ehre und Würde besitzen. Und sie wollen wie ehrbare Bürger behandelt werden. Die Oberschicht ist offensichtlich nicht in der Lage mit dieser neuen Entwicklung innerhalb der thailändischen Gesellschaft Schritt zu halten. Sie betrachten die unteren Klassen immer noch als weniger wertvolle Menschen, als Leibeigene oder noch schlimmer, als Tiere! Im April 2010 hatte ich nahe des Rothemden-Camps an der Sala Daeng Hochbahnstation eine Diskussion mit einer jungen Frau, welche die "Silom Lovers Group" unterstützte. Ein bunt zusammengewürfelter Haufen aus wütenden Ladenbesitzern, Anhängern der "Democrat Party", ultra rechten Anhängern der PAD, Anti-Rothemden-Protestlern und gewaltätigen Randalierern. Sie bezeichnete die Rothemden als "Buffalos" oder "Mad Buffalos", also als Büffel oder verrückte Büffel (in Schmähbegriff der im allgemeinen für die Landbevölkerung verwendet wird). Sie erklärte mir:" Die Menschen der Unterschicht sind wie diese Tiere, unheimlich stark aber dafür dumm und ohne jeglichen Verstand. Sie sind schmutzig, sie stinken, sie sind faul und ungebildet. Sie brauchen die gebildeten Menschen (so wie sie selbst) um ihnen zu sagen was tun sollen und wie sie zu leben haben. Auf Grund ihrer Dummheit sollte es ihnen nicht erlaubt sein, eine eigene Meinung zu haben oder Wählen zu gehen, da sie ja doch nicht wissen, was gut für sie ist."
Solange der größere Teil der Bevölkerung weiterhin wie "Büffel" behandelt wird, werden die Unruhen in Thailand weitergehen, selbst wenn man ihnen höhere Löhne zahlt und einen besseren Zugang zum Bildungssystem ermöglicht.
 |
| Chairman Dr. Kanit Nanakorn |
His recommendation:
(1) For the country to be peaceful, as chairman of the TRCT, I believe that this is up to Pol. Lt. Col. Thaksin Shinawatra' s sacrifice in stopping every political role.
(2) The goverment must ensure that the distortion of law is clarified by the judical procedure (this refers to accusations against Thaksin and the Constitional Court described on the pages 8 to 18 in his foreword), to eliminate doubt and create trust of the society the Pol. Lt. Col. Thaksin Shinawatra and the Constitutional Court is honest.
(3) ...
(from "Foreword by Dr. Kanit Nanakorn")
The link to pages 8 - 15 of Dr. Kanit Nanakorns foreword on Google+:
https://plus.google.com/u/0/photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790449293099908561#photos/110595635215488879564/albums/5790449293099908561
Für Dr. Kanit Nanakorn ist die zweite Hauptursache für die Probleme Thailands der gestürzte Premierminister Thaksin Shinawatra. Seine Machtgier, sein diktatorischer Regierungsstil, seine populistische Politik ("er verhätschelte die Armen" - so übersetzt vom Simultanübersetzer) und seine gewalttätigen Methoden (Krieg gegen die Drogen, Tak Bai, Krue-Sae Moschee, etc.) seien unter anderem für die späteren Ereignisse mitverantwortlich (Putsch, Unruhen/Proteste, die Niederschlagungen).
Seine Empfehlungen:
(1) Um des Friedens Willen im Lande, so glaube ich als Vorsitzender des TRCT, sollte Pol. Lt. Col. Thaksin Shinawatra das Opfer bringen und auf jede weitere Rolle in der Politik (in Zukunft) verzichten.
(2) Die Regierung soll sicherstellen, daß die Verzerrung des Rechts (Dr. Kanit bezieht sich hier auf die Vorwürfe gegen Thaksin und das Verfassungsgericht, beschrieben auf den Seiten 8 bis 18 des Vorwortes) juristisch geklärt wird, um jeden Zweifel an der Aufrichtigkeit auszuräumen und Vertrauen dahingehend zu schaffen, das Thaksin Shinawatra und das Verfassungsgericht es ehrlich meinen.
(3)...
(aus dem Vorwort von Dr. Kanit Nanakorn)
I don't think Thaksin was the main cause for the conflict (even he was a part of it), the roots go much deeper and the grievances have been there for hundreds of years. In public Thaksin treated his rural and urban supporters as equals. He listened to their worries and gave the impression that he cared for them. And of course he supported them with his populist politics (30 Baht scheme, promoting OTOP, etc). Not many treated them (the lower classes) like this before. If he did this just to secure their votes and so his power or if he really cared for them, does not matter. For the first time they benefited directly from Thai politics. He and his politics just accelerated the changing of Thai society, that already had started long before he entered the political arena. Even if I am no fan of Khun Thaksin at all, I have to admit that he was the one of the first prime ministers who took care of some of the needs of the lower classes and gave them the feeling to be noteworthy, gave them back their dignity.
Being a populist and using populist politics are no crimes. He was elected by the majority of the Thai voters and therefore the legitimate prime minister of Thailand. His political opponents have to accept that, even if they don't like it. The commission and here especially Dr. Kanit Nanakorn in his foreword on page 12, clause 13, accuse him of abuse of power, human rights violations and crimes against humanity. Why did no one (e.g. his political opponents) ever tried to charge him with those crimes? Because the military was involved in the human right violations several times and everyone is afraid of the generals? Because charging Thaksin would open the Pandora's box?
Ich denke nicht, daß Thaksin einer der Hauptgründe für den Konflikt war (auch wenn er eine nicht unbedeutende Rolle dabei spielte), die Wurzeln des Konfliktes reichen viel tiefer und die Misstände existieren breits seit hunderten von Jahren.
In der Öffentlichkeit hat Thaksin seine ländlichen und städtischen Anhänger wie Gleichgestellte behandelt. Er hörte sich ihre Probleme an und vermittelte den Eindruck, daß er sich um sie sorge. Und natürlich unterstützte er sie mit seiner populistischen Politik (dem 30 Baht-Schema, der Förderung von OTOP, etc.) Nicht viele vor ihm haben die Menschen (der Unterschichten) so behandelt. Ob er es dabei ehrlich meinte oder es ihm nur darum ging, seine Macht zu sichern, spielt dabei keine Rolle. Zum ersten Male profitierten die Unterschichten unmittelbar von der thailändischen Politik. Er und seine Politik haben die Veränderungen innerhalb der thailändischen Gesellschaft lediglich beschleunigt, die allerdings bereits lange vor seinen Eintritt in die politsche Arena eingesetzt hatten.
Ich bin nun wirklich kein Freund von Thaksin Shinawatra, aber auch ich muß fairer Weise zugegben, er war einer der ersten Premierminister, die sich der Nöte und Sorgen der unteren Bevölkerungsschichten angenommen haben. Er vermittelte ihnen das Gefühl ebenfalls beachtenswert zu sein, ebenfalls Würde zu besitzen.
Ein Populist zu sein oder populistische Politik zu betreiben sind keine Straftaten. Er wurde von der Mehrheit der Wähler ins Amt gewählt und war daher der rechtmäßige Premierminister Thailands. Seine politischen Gegner sollten das akzeptieren, auch wenn es ihnen nicht gefällt. Der Ausschuss, speziell Dr. Kanit Nanakorn in seinem Vorwort u.a. auf Seite 12, Absatz 13, beschuldigen Thaksin immer wieder des Machtmissbrauchs, begangerer Menscherechtsverletzungen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit. Warum hat niemand (z.B. seine politische Gegner) jemals versucht ihn dafür zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen? Weil in einige der Menschrechtsverletzungen das Militär involviert war und man sich vor der Macht der Generäle fürchtet? Weil man Angst hat die Büchse der Pandorra zu öffnen?
3. The recommendations (presented by Dr. Kittipong Kittayarak)/die Empfehlungen:
 |
| Dr. Kittipong Kittayarak |
The commissions recommendations on the military (clause #9) are extremely brave and progressive but I see no chance for those demands to be realised in the near future. As Privy Council Prem Tinnasulanon already explained his view on governments in a speech at the Chulachomklao Military Academy: "..in horse racing, horse owners hire jockeys to ride the horses. The jockeys do not own the horses. They just ride them. A government is like a jockey. It supervises soldiers, but the real owners are the country and the King … the government comes and goes...". How will any government now and in the near future be able to cut back the power of the army and annul their impunity (granted by the 2007 constitution)?
Nevertheless, a number of recommendations are noteworthy and could be some big steps into the right direction if implemented.
Ich halte die Empfehlungen zur Reform des Militärs (Absatz 9) für außerordentlich mutig und fortschrittlich. Aber ich sehe absolut keine Möglichkeit, diese Forderungen in der näheren Zukunft auch umzusetzen. Das Mitglied des Kronrates und General a.D. Prem Tinnasulanon erklärte in einer Rede an der Chulachomklao Militärakademie (zum Thema Regierung):"...im Pferderennsport stellen die Besitzer der Pferde Jockeys an die Pferde zu reiten. Die Jockeys sind aber nicht die Besitzer der Pferde. Sie reiten sie nur. Eine Regierung ist wie Jockey. Sie leitet (und betreut) die Soldaten, aber die wirklichen Besitzer sind das Land und König ...die Regierungen kommen und gehen..."
Nevertheless, a number of recommendations are noteworthy and could be some big steps into the right direction if implemented.
Ich halte die Empfehlungen zur Reform des Militärs (Absatz 9) für außerordentlich mutig und fortschrittlich. Aber ich sehe absolut keine Möglichkeit, diese Forderungen in der näheren Zukunft auch umzusetzen. Das Mitglied des Kronrates und General a.D. Prem Tinnasulanon erklärte in einer Rede an der Chulachomklao Militärakademie (zum Thema Regierung):"...im Pferderennsport stellen die Besitzer der Pferde Jockeys an die Pferde zu reiten. Die Jockeys sind aber nicht die Besitzer der Pferde. Sie reiten sie nur. Eine Regierung ist wie Jockey. Sie leitet (und betreut) die Soldaten, aber die wirklichen Besitzer sind das Land und König ...die Regierungen kommen und gehen..."
Wie will irgendeine Regierung jetzt oder in der näheren Zukunft die Macht des Militärs einschränken und dessen verfassungsmäßig garantierte Immunität aufheben?
Trotzdem sind einige der Empfehlungen durchaus bemerkenswert und könnten große Schritte in die richtig Richtung sein, wenn sie denn umgesetzt werden.
Trotzdem sind einige der Empfehlungen durchaus bemerkenswert und könnten große Schritte in die richtig Richtung sein, wenn sie denn umgesetzt werden.
Summary of Recommendations (excerpt of the official press release)
(Note: While I copied the following 13 recommendations I noticed problems with the ascii-code of the pdf-fond, therefore it is possible that you may still find the letters l, v or y replaced by a t or other strange signs. I tried to eliminate as many errors as possible but I still may have missed some).
in mind and without selective application of certain recommendations for any party's gain.
The TRCT's recommendations for the reconciliation process are as follows:
1. Recommendations on using the truth behind past incidents and the root causes of our conflict as lessons to foster sustainable reconciliation
The TRCT requests all parties to maintain a reconciliatory atmosphere in society, turn down any sense of rivalry, strive to prevent violence, and stop disseminating information that can incite hatred or violence. Politicians must not use their political advantage or use political arena to exacerbate the conflict for their own immediate advantage. In the implementation of the reconciliation process, the government and the political sector as a whole must take into account the necessary participation of the general public, and proceed thoroughly without any intention to accelerate the process of reconciliation. Additionally, the government must provide required information to the pubtic and hear out citizens' opinions, thus allowing those of different political dispositions to exchange their thoughts - particularly those concerning causes of conflict problem - in a shared space.
The conflict problem has become a deep-rooted chain of issues that affect the country's core economic, social, and potitical structures. The TRCT wants all parties to study the root causes of the conflict in order to achieve a common understanding and seek solutions that will pave the way to reconciliation. Regarding the disclosure of facts about the conflict and past violent incidents, the TRCT is highly concerned that certain facts may be elaborated in a manner of aggravating the conflict situation. For example, certain parties may choose to present a selective set of facts to the public as an attack on their opposition. Such actions go directly against the TRCT's intentions in disclosing the truth, and the TRCT would like to request every party to refrain from this act. Even though the TRCT's term has ended, the reconciliation process must continue
with full participation from all sides. The TRCT believes that the government must embrace mechanisms that are genuinety neutral in nature to keep the reconciliation process on track. The government should provide budgetary support without interfering in the workings of these mechanisms. One example of this is the formation of a national reconciliation network with members of neutral disposition representing every sector of Thai society and with the intention of having a leading role in reconciliation process through democratic and peacefuI methods.
2. Recommendations on the transitionat justice
The TRCT believes that all parties should seek to understand and implement the transitional justice according to a holistic approach without selectively using certain measures for one's own benefits. lt must also be noted that the transitional justice does not in any way overrule the core justice system. The transitional system is simply a flexible counterpart that is appropriate with the current circumstances in Thai society, which is moving towards the reconciliation. The implementation of transitional justice starts with the disclosure of truth and the process of recognition of truth in a systematic manner to those affected by the conflict. The disclosed truth will then be used in subsequent prosecution, reparation, or any other initiatives of responsibility.
Prosecution
The TRCT believes that those who violated the law must be held legally accountable. The government must address legaI violations of all parties through justice system which must be fair and impartial. ln the TRCT's opinion, criminal acts carried out during the peak of violence and/or political tension were at least partly caused by differences in political motives and attempts to incite hatred. In some cases, it could be said that the perpetrator was not a criminal by nature, and the principle of restorative justice must be adopted in conjunction with criminal justice, which emphasizes on the punishment, in order to restore relationships between conflicting parties and bring true justice to all.
Reparation
The government must proceed with the reparation and restoration to those affected by violent incidents in a thorough, systematic, and sustained manner. The reparation measures must cover non-monetary compensation - e.g. mental rehabilitation, restoration of honour and reputation of victims, or provision of legal assistance. ln addition, the government shoutd arrange for the memorialisation effort in creating an official record of events or a memorial for the public to serve as a reminder that such incidents must be prevented from ever happening again. The TRCT also requests the government to expedite the reparation of those who had faced unfair trial as being accused of unduly harsh offenses and denied temporary release.
Apology
Based on the truth and root causes of the occurred conflict, it can be said that every party involved is responsible for the conflict to some degree. Leading figures of all parties - especially the Prime Minister at the time of the violent incidents and/or the current Prime Minister - should show responsibility for these incidents by making a public apology for the failure to effectively tackle social unrest in a peaceful manner and underlining their intention to prevent the violent incidents and grave violation of human rights from reoccurring. The TRCT wishes all parties to understand that the apology is a vital part of the reconciliation process - at once a measure of reparation by taking into consideration the honour and dignity of victims and an excellent model of political accountability in Thai society.
Apology
Based on the truth and root causes of the occurred conflict, it can be said that every party involved is responsible for the conflict to some degree. Leading figures of all parties - especially the Prime Minister at the time of the violent incidents and/or the current Prime Minister - should show responsibility for these incidents by making a public apology for the failure to effectively tackle social unrest in a peaceful manner and underlining their intention to prevent the violent incidents and grave violation of human rights from reoccurring. The TRCT wishes all parties to understand that the apology is a vital part of the reconciliation process - at once a measure of reparation by taking into consideration the honour and dignity of victims and an excellent model of political accountability in Thai society.
Amnesty
The TRCT sees the movement for National Assembly's deliberation of the Reconciliation Bill B.E. ..., which has an effect of calling for an amnesty to the perpetrators, as an attempt to accelerate the reconciliation process and a negative impact on the reconciliation atmosphere, which requires collaboration across all parties - especially from victims who will be directly affected by the amnesty. The TRCT wishes all parties to understand that amnesty is not the ultimate objective of reconciliation. With Thai society locked in a high-tension state, amnesty is a tool to be wielded with extreme caution in regard to timing, circumstances and procedures. The principle of transitional justice must also be taken into account to address the needs of victims and affected persons, accountability of perpetrators, and encouragement of perpetrators' reparation or responsibility untiI those having conflicts in the past can have true understanding, forgive or compromise with one another for the amnesty. As long as there is no conclusion on the amnesty proposal, the government must actively safeguard the rights of the victims by ensuring access to justice system and proceed with the prosecution of involved persons from all sides. The TRCT believes that the amnesty must be carried out within well defined boundaries. Offences covered and conditions of the amnesty must be clearly established and detailing the specific actions by various people that would be covered under such amnesty in compliance with the legitimate process. Additionally, this amnesty must not take the form of blanket amnesty, or impunity. To ensure accountability and prevent future serious crimes, the TRCT recommends that the government should urgently consider the ratification of the Rome Statute of the lnternational Criminal Court, make changes to the law to allow trials in absentia for cases concerning grave violations of human rights with the government itself acting to ensure a fair trial.
The TRCT sees the movement for National Assembly's deliberation of the Reconciliation Bill B.E. ..., which has an effect of calling for an amnesty to the perpetrators, as an attempt to accelerate the reconciliation process and a negative impact on the reconciliation atmosphere, which requires collaboration across all parties - especially from victims who will be directly affected by the amnesty. The TRCT wishes all parties to understand that amnesty is not the ultimate objective of reconciliation. With Thai society locked in a high-tension state, amnesty is a tool to be wielded with extreme caution in regard to timing, circumstances and procedures. The principle of transitional justice must also be taken into account to address the needs of victims and affected persons, accountability of perpetrators, and encouragement of perpetrators' reparation or responsibility untiI those having conflicts in the past can have true understanding, forgive or compromise with one another for the amnesty. As long as there is no conclusion on the amnesty proposal, the government must actively safeguard the rights of the victims by ensuring access to justice system and proceed with the prosecution of involved persons from all sides. The TRCT believes that the amnesty must be carried out within well defined boundaries. Offences covered and conditions of the amnesty must be clearly established and detailing the specific actions by various people that would be covered under such amnesty in compliance with the legitimate process. Additionally, this amnesty must not take the form of blanket amnesty, or impunity. To ensure accountability and prevent future serious crimes, the TRCT recommends that the government should urgently consider the ratification of the Rome Statute of the lnternational Criminal Court, make changes to the law to allow trials in absentia for cases concerning grave violations of human rights with the government itself acting to ensure a fair trial.
3. Recommendations on the rule of law and the justice system
The TRCT calls on all parties to cease using the legality of law and justice system to justify their own immediate gains. Such an act would inevitably be detrimental to the public's trust in rule of law and justice system in the long run. All parties must seek to uphold the rule of law in an earnest manner, and the government must adhere to the rule of law in the administration of the country. Together, the government and the justice system must lead society's efforts to cope with conflict in a way that is non-violent while also ensuring that their own actions do not end up violating the rule of law and citizens' rights. ln addition, the government must exercise its authority with due process and make arrangements for effective inspection of state power by both the government organizations and non-government organizations. The justice system has been seen with doubt in terms of the lack of independence, external influences and lack of inspection process- especially for cases with political involvement, in which certain groups believe that unfair trial and discrimination exist. This has led to criticism that the Thai justice system operates with a double standard. Additionally, the TRCT has found that the investigation of the cases concerning the political violence in April-May 2010 was interfered and forensic evidence in some cases were incomplete, being unable to provide justice to all parties. These issues have thrown the entire justice system into doubt for the general public. Therefore, the TRCT recommends that the government must take action to inspire confidence of general public in justice system that all agencies in the justice system are independent and free from interference. All agencies in the justice system must remain neutral, impartialily and independent from political interference as well as adhere to the principles of equality and non-discrimination. They must also be careful in avoiding to be seen as the instruments of state which has taken part in the conflict. ln particular, the judiciary, which is the last resource, must be especially careful in operating appropriately according to the rule of law and with full regard for the balance in sovereignty wielded by the executive, legislative and judiciary branches of the state.
The government should possess a genuine understanding of the criminal justice and justice system, which should be exercised in compliance with human rights principles - namely by (1) refraining from the use of physical shackles on the defendant or detainee, (2) systematically investigating on the unduly harsh accusations, (3) providing the accused with temporary release, and (4) safeguarding the rights of victims in criminaI cases through the improvement of rights notification process. In the long run, the TRCT recommends that the government must systematicaly reform the law and the justice system, improve
the quality of legal education and legal personnel, and focus on the development of proper ethics for lawyers.
the quality of legal education and legal personnel, and focus on the development of proper ethics for lawyers.
The TRCT requests all parties to adhere to the principles of democracy. While democracy is not a flawless form of government, it is the best system currently available. Should any issues arise from the flaws inherent in democracy, then all parties should tolerate and learn how to address these issues in a democratic and peaceful way – e.g. parliamentary procedures, justice system through courts or referendums. These issues must not and cannot be resolved through coups. The government must educate the people of basic democratic principles and encourage democratic conduct among families, academic institutions and other organisations in society. The government must apply the principles of good governance in its work to ensure that the administration of the country is effective, transparent, and accountable through effective check and balance mechanisms. The government must solve corruption and the conflict of interest while also supporting the actions of civil society sector or people's networks in inspecting the government and carrying out social sanctions against those in breach of these principles. The government is required to protect and preserve the basic rights of people and prevent any violation of these rights. While the country remains divided by different political views, the TRCT requests that the government must protect the freedom of expression of people through peaceful means according to the law and people must also be protected from being threatened because of the exercise of such freedom. Moreover, the law must not be used as a political tool to block or limit the access to information or the freedom to express one's opinions according to the law. Moreover, the government must comply with internationaI obligations concerning the protection of human rights and fundamental freedom as well as amend or revoke the laws that impose unnecessarity significant limitations on citizens' rights.
5. Recommendations on solving fundamental problems in Thai society
Thai society will remain mired in conflict and on the brink of violent clashes as long as the root causes of the conflict problem remain unresolved. Such causes include socio-economic discrepancies between classes, inequality in access to resources or an unbalanced distribution of wealth. The TRCT believes the government should be determined and has a political view to economic, social, and political reforms that address these fundamental problems through legal measures or policies designed to reduce gaps between classes, support equality in national development, improve quality of life, ensure universal fair treatment in society, tackle economic issues, and improve the quality of education. The government should also take into account the rights and opportunities of disadvantaged citizens. Additionally, the TRCT recommends that the government step away from a centralised approach of administration and instead encourage citizen participation. By decentralising administrative power, the people can gain greater control over policies and initiatives, thus bolstering the strength of Thai democracy and strengthening the concept of citizen politics.
6. Recommendations on the amendment of constitution
The movement to accelerate the amendment of the constitution without thoroughly informing the general public and making people understand the amendment process may lead to doubts. The TRCT thus requests the government, the national assembly, politicians and all concerned parties that the amendment of the constitution must be in compliance with the rule of law and the principle of the supremacy of the constitution, and comply with all relevant rules and stipulated procedures. The TRCT would also like to emphasize the importance of public participation in the amendment process. The government is required to supply thorough and accurate information on the amendment for the general public, allowing them to understand the issues at hand and take part in the decision making process. The TRCT recommends that the government organise public hearing or deliberative dialogue for the discussion on provisions of the constitution and the authority of the entities under the constitution as to whether any problem exists and how to solve the problem. This will allow people to be able to carefully consider the positives, negatives, and consequences of the amendment of the constitution prior to the referendum process for the constitution which may be amended in the future. Such a process will lead to the constitution that truly belongs to the people of Thailand, and the government should foster this sense of ownership and respect for the constitution - complete with an understanding
that the constitution can be amended to fit changing social circumstances through processes stipulated by the constitution.
7. Recommendations on the Monarchy
Monarchy under the constitution
Referring to the Monarchy with political issues and political conflict for the benefit of any political movements has resulted in exacerbating the conflict and the polarization of people. This also adversely affects the Monarchy and the nation as a whole. The TRCT requests all parties to cease referring to the Monarchy for political gains either directly or indirectly. All parties must express a clear intent to venerate the Monarchy as being above all political conflicts. The government should support learning and mutual understanding about the status and role of the Monarchy in compliance with development of the constitutional monarchy. The government should also support the research regarding the Monarchy as well as promote peaceful forums for people with different views to exchange opinions.
Lese majeste law
The TRCT requests that all parties refrain from using the lese majeste law as a tool
to attack their political opponents. Such abuse of the law does not benefit the Monarchy
and pose obstacles to the reconciliation process. The TRCT views that the government and the national assembly should consider the amendment of lese majeste law, which hands out disproportionately strong sentences, limits the discretion of the court to set appropriate sentencing and opens for anyone to accuse for the prosecution. Since this matter is very sensitive, the government must exercise utmost caution to avoid deepening the conflict in society. One possible measure is to study the legal approach of other countries with the Monarchy for amending the law appropriately. While the lese majeste law remains in its current state, the government should be careful in the enforcement of such law by avoiding the enforcement in a broader manner than the law itself stipulated. The government should not strictly use the criminal policy without direction or without regard to the sensitivity of the case. The government should support the use of discretion of agencies in justice system in an appropriate manner. The government should support the integration of the work of relevant agencies and the mechanism for determining appropriate criminal policy and for categorizing cases according to degree of behavior, intention, status of perpetrator, overall context of the situation, and the impact from the prosecution to the monarchy.
8. Recommendations on the media
Recommendations for media organisations
The media's conduct - especially in reporting inaccurate or distorted stories, hate speech, or incitement to violence - is a significant factor behind the current social division and escalation of the conflict to violent incident. The TRCT requests that all sides stop using the media as a tool to provoke the masses or the violence. All media organisations must act responsibly according to their professional ethics and present the facts in the circumspect and accurate manner without any distortion. Additionally, the media should play a role in mitigating conflict in the country by serving as a pubtic forum for opinions from all parties, allowing moderates to express themselves clearly while reducing the prominence of extremists who aim to provoke violence. The TRCT is also of the opinion that professional media associations should develop measures to take action against the media and media profession which act against professional ethics, provide training on ethics in media work, and provide guidelines on conduct in tense or sensitive situations and field reporting.
Recommendations for the government
The government must develop measures to ensure that the media can operate independently. It must also support any mechanism that protects the media from interference and intimidation by any influences. The government must solve the problem involving ownership structure of media organisations to prevent the media domination. New laws should be enacted to safeguard the media profession to independently present the information to the public. The TRCT recommends that the government must seriously enforce provisions of the constitution pertaining to the freedom of media, particutarly the provision that prohibits holders of political office from owning or being a sharehotder in media business wither directly or indirectly, as this involves a conflict of interest. The government must not use the closure of media or exercise any type of influence over the media. Instead, it must support the development of mechanisms for professional self-monitoring by the media. The government should also educate people on the roles and responsibilities of the media, thus enabling them to play a role in monitoring media conduct. ln the long run, the government must support the establishment of the association for media consumer protection.
9. Recommendations on the army and military
Army and military interference in poitics - especially in the form of coups - deprives Thai society of opportunities to learn how to solve political disputes in a democratic manner. This interference also leads to dissatisfaction and escalation of tension among groups that believe their sovereignty, rights, or personal gains had been infringed upon or damaged by the overthrowing of an elected government. The TRCT requests that the military and its leaders remain neutral and strictly refrain from coups or any politically motivated actions in any way. Furthermore, politicians and society must not demand or support military involvement in politics. All parties must adhere to the principle that the military is under civilian control. The government and the military must seek to train professional soldiers with great expertise, a deeply-rooted belief in democracy, and a desire to strive for accountability according to good governance. ln addition, the government should also appoint a parliamentary ombudsman to oversee the military's actions. The use of the armed forces to solve conflicts in the country often leads to violence. The TRCT believes that the government must not use the military as a solution for political conflicts and public demonstrations in any case since the military operation in its nature is not appropriate to respond to internal strife or crowd control. The government must improve the system of controlling military weapons and make it more efficient. Also, it must implement stringent measures to eliminate illegal weapons, illegal arms trade and to reduce weapons among the civilian population as well as criminal organizations. The army must have stringent and effective measures in place to discipline the behavior of soldiers, who are out of line, having a role with political fractions, influence groups or other groups seeking illicit gains or semi-legal and illegal business ventures - all of which are conduct that would bring the military into disrepute. The TRCT also views that the government should amend the the Military Discipline Act, B.E. 2476 to allow disciplinary measures for military officers at all levels.
10. Recommendations on demonstrations and rights of demonstrators
The freedom of assembly is a fundamental freedom that must be guaranteed by the state. However, the exercise of such freedom must be according to the law. The TRCT requests that leaders of the demonstration and demonstrators exercise the freedom of assembly in a peaceful manner without the use of arms or the use of anything as arms. They shall adhere to the peaceful approach and strictly refrain from using any violence. This includes the behaviors or statements which incite hatred and violence as well as
behaviors that challenge the officials in the demonstration area to use violence. The TRCT views that the leaders of the demonstration must show responsibility in the case of illegal demonstration or the use of violence. Meanwhite, the TRCT requests that people not taking part in the demonstration should show tolerance for the exercise of such freedom and avoid facing with the demonstrators with strong displays of dissatisfaction or violence. The TRCT requests that the government use utmost caution in the enforcement of
national security laws - e.g. Martial Law Act, B.E. 2457, Royal Decree on State Administration in Emergenry Situations, B.E. 2548, and Internal Security Act, B.E. 2557 - to handle unrest caused by political demonstrations. If recklessly enforced, these laws could infringe on the basic rights and freedoms of people, conflict with the principle of proportionality, and bring harm to the general public and society. Additionatly, the government must not involve the military in crowd-control operations, which should be left as a responsibility of the police or civilian officials trained specifically for crowd control. Should there be any violation of the internationally-accepted rules, the government must show responsibility, offer an apology for any damages caused, investigate the truth, provide reparation to victims, and bring the perpetrators to justice system. To guarantee the freedom of assembly, the government must provide demonstrators with protection from interference or malicious acts by parties who oppose peaceful gatherings. The government must also facilitate people who do not participate in the demonstration. The government must develop action plans for ending the demonstration and non-violent measures for crowd control, prepare adequate and appropriate equipment for ending the demonstration, and provide training to the official to strictly follow the international
standard. The readiness of security officials must be evaluated prior to and after such operations. Should there be an armed presence hidden among demonstrators with malicious intent, the government may call. upon specially-trained units to carry out high-precision operations that are appropriate to the situation. In this regard, if an operation is deemed to be potentialty harmful to others, the said operation must be terminated
immediately.
The TRCT recommends that the government should support the development of standards for non-violent demonstrations through public hearings. Provided that there will be the standard or the law governing public assembly in the future, such standard and law must be in compliance with the constitution and international human rights taking into consideration the type and nature of the demonstrations. In this regard, the government may study the similar cases from other countries as a proper basis for this development.
11. Recommendations on the role and protection of medical personnel and emergency response units in humanitarian operations in conflict situation
The TRCT requests all parties - especially officials operating in demonstration areas - to provide protection and general assistance to medical personnel, medical supply transports, and emergency response units operating in demonstration areas. All parties should use the Red Cross symbol according to the law, and the government should enforce laws pertaining to its use in earnest. Moreover, the government should raise awareness and understanding of the role of medical personnel and services in emergency situations, thus fostering a belief that harming them or using them as tools to incite further conflict is absolutety unacceptabte. Besides, the TRCT believes that medical and healthcare assistance must be provided on neutral, impartial, and humanitarian grounds and adhere to medical ethics and human rights.
The TRCT requests all parties - especially officials operating in demonstration areas - to provide protection and general assistance to medical personnel, medical supply transports, and emergency response units operating in demonstration areas. All parties should use the Red Cross symbol according to the law, and the government should enforce laws pertaining to its use in earnest. Moreover, the government should raise awareness and understanding of the role of medical personnel and services in emergency situations, thus fostering a belief that harming them or using them as tools to incite further conflict is absolutety unacceptabte. Besides, the TRCT believes that medical and healthcare assistance must be provided on neutral, impartial, and humanitarian grounds and adhere to medical ethics and human rights.
The government must notify medical service personnel and emergency response units of any security operations pertaining to the unrest incident or crowd dispersal. Police officers and officials in charge of overseeing the demonstrations must be trained to possess a full understanding of standard to protect and facilitate medical personnel and emergency response units. These personnel and units must also be given adequate levels of welfare and support, while those who lost their lives should be appropriately honoured.
12. Recommendations on the role of religion
The TRCT would like to request the government and all sectors of society to give importance to restoring the ethics and morality in Thai society and promote peaceful conduct. The government should promote the role of religion in reducing conflict, preventing violence, providing mental reparation to affected persons, and encouraging sentiments that uphold peace in society. Religious figures should increase their role in reducing the violence, promoting peace and peaceful approach of conflict resolution. The religious institutions should express neutrality in its teachings and avoid any association with political movements or demonstrations, which could have a negative impact on the people's faith in the institution in a time of social discord.
13. Recommendations on the distribution of the final. TRCT report
The TRCT would like to request the government and the media to present and distribute the TRCT's final report - which discloses the truth and root causes of the conflict and violent incident and provide recommendations for reconciliation - to the general public so that all parties will possess a shared understanding of the incidents and root causes of the conflict. Moreover, the public should understand the proposed solutions for solving the problem, which can lead the nation to sustainabte reconciliation.
Abonnieren
Posts (Atom)